Monday, 29 April 2024

A clear-eyed look at the neuroscience of mental health



Among other things, Camilla Nord explains why some treatments work better than others




In some areas of medicine, certainty is possible. Tests and scans reveal the cause of an ache or pain. Treatments usually work, whether they are deployed to fight an infection or restore the balance of a hormone. One exception is mental illness.

Take depression, one of the most common mental disorders. There are 227 symptom combinations that can lead someone to be diagnosed with depression. The drugs prescribed for it work better than placebos for only 15% of sufferers. That has led some scientists to dismiss the idea that depression is caused by a malfunction in the brain, such as a shortage of serotonin (a neurotransmitter chemical which is the target of most antidepressants). The cause of depression, they think, is adversity, better treated by psychological therapy that teaches people how to deal with their circumstances.


“The Balanced Brain” brings some much-needed clarity to the debate. Camilla Nord leads a neuroscience lab dedicated to mental health at Cambridge University. Her book is an enlightening round-up of what scientists know about the workings of the brain, and how they know it. Beware “neurobollocks”, she warns: catchy stories that pin a mental disorder on one chemical or brain region. Moods, thoughts and sleep all involve a large number of neurotransmitters and several parts of the brain.

Mental disorders are caused by malfunctions, she shows, and shaped by environment. Scans show that some patients with depression share distinct patterns in certain brain circuits and in the processes related to those circuits. One process involves learning from experience and forming expectations: people with depression have a bias towards emotionally negative memories and perceptions. Antidepressants target the system that deals with expectations and tip the negative emotional bias in a positive direction.

All treatments for depression—including psychological therapies, electric brain stimulation, diet, sleep and exercise—change some brain systems, but not all of them. They work, but not for everyone. The problem is that there is no easy way to tell which brain system is impaired in any given case of depression. That means one approach has to be tried, then another, to see what works. Finding effective drugs for mental illness is also stymied by the fact that each brain chemical has multiple roles. The hormone dopamine, for instance, is involved in addiction, attention and movement.

Many neuroscientists, including Dr Nord, think that the current diagnostic categories for mental disorders are problematic. Some of the neurological and cognitive patterns that cause depression also cause other problems, such as anxiety and anorexia: that explains why patients with mental disorders often have more than one. Finding new ways to pinpoint the brain pattern in each case will not only help patients by offering treatment that is personalised, argues Dr Nord, it will also improve the search for treatments. For sufferers, that is cause for optimism. ■

SOURCE:

Thursday, 25 April 2024

Will the debate about ‘psi’ ever be settled?







A discussion between Professor Chris Roe and Professor Chris French; introduced and coordinated by Dr Steve Taylor.

19 March 2024


Telepathy and precognition: could they be real? Some sceptics claim that such ‘psi phenomena’ cannot possibly exist because they contravene the laws of science. Any apparent evidence for them must be the result of factors such as fraud, coincidence, poor experimental design or questionable research practices. However, psi researchers continue to perform rigorous experiments (although perhaps not as often as they might like, due to a lack of funding) and often report significant positive results. And so the scientific debate continues, as it has for decades.

At the same time, significant numbers of the general population believe that psi exists. For example, a survey of 1200 Americans in 2003 found that over 60 per cent believed in extrasensory perception (Rice, 2003). Not only that, significant numbers of people report experiences: in a 2018 survey, half of a sample of Americans reported they had had an experience of feeling ‘as though you were in touch with someone when they were far away’ (in other words, telepathy), and slightly less than half reported an experience of knowing ‘something about the future that you had no normal way to know’ (in other words, precognition). Just over 40 per cent reported that they had received important information through their dreams (Wahbeh et al., 2018).

In 2018, American Psychologist published an article by Professor Etzel Cardeña which systemically reviewed the evidence for psi phenomena, examining over 750 discrete studies. Cardeña concluded that there was a very strong case for the existence of psi, writing that the evidence was ‘comparable to that for established phenomena in psychology and other disciplines’ (2018, p.663). A commentary on the article from the British Psychological Society’s Research Digest reported, ‘on this basis, it is arguable that, as much as any other field of psychology, there is at least something meriting investigation.’

In a response to Cardeña, the sceptics Arthur Reber and James Alcock (2020) simply argued that his conclusions couldn’t be valid because psi was theoretically impossible. ‘Claims made by parapsychologists cannot be true … Hence, data that suggest that they can are necessarily flawed and result from weak methodology or improper data analyses’ (2020, p.391). Like other sceptics, they simply argued that if psi were true, we would have to rewrite the laws of science.

One argument in response from psi researchers is that there are many theories and concepts in quantum physics that allow for the possibility of psi, such as entanglement and non-locality (although this doesn’t necessarily mean that psi can be explained in these terms). In these terms, psi is not against the laws of science at all.

In this debate, we turn to two of the UK’s leading commentators and researchers in the field of psi, Professor Chris French and Professor Chris Roe. The specific question we asked them to debate is: Will the debate about the existence of psi ever be settled?

Chris French (Emeritus Professor and Head of the Anomalistic Psychology Research Unit, Department of Psychology, Goldsmiths, University of London; author of The Science of Weird Shit: Why Our Brains Conjure the Paranormal)

The short answer to this question is as follows: if psi really does exist, then potentially the debate about its existence may one day be settled; if not, then the debate will probably rumble on forever without ever being resolved.

Let me unpack that a little. To date, parapsychologists have failed to produce evidence for paranormal phenomena that is robust and replicable enough to satisfy the wider scientific community that psi does indeed exist. Although some critics of parapsychology argue that psi is theoretically impossible because its existence would violate fundamental laws of nature, this is not a position held by all critics. In my personal opinion, the strongest evidence available in support of psi, as summarised by Cardeña (2018), is certainly strong enough to justify further research even if the effect sizes reported in various meta-analyses are typically very small. If parapsychologists could refine their protocols in such a way that the effect sizes could be reliably increased, the debate would be settled.

Another way in which the debate could be settled is by the discovery of just one gifted psychic, capable of demonstrating their ability under properly controlled conditions. As William James famously pointed out, ‘If you wish to upset the law that all crows are black, you mustn't seek to show that no crows are; it is enough if you prove one single crow to be white.’ For example, some individuals claim to be able to induce out-of-body experiences more or less at will. If just one such individual could demonstrate an ability to reliably perceive targets in remote locations, that one ‘white crow’ would be sufficient to silence sceptics who argue that the out-of-body experience is hallucinatory.

Whereas proponents of psi could, in principle, prove that psi exists, sceptics could never prove that it does not. For well over a century, proponents have argued that the final definitive proof of the existence of psi is almost within reach, just around the next corner. For a variety of reasons, that moment never seems to arrive – but one could never actually prove that it will never arrive.

However, we know enough about the shortcomings of human cognition to know that even if psi does not exist, many people will continue to believe that it does. Anomalistic psychologists focus their efforts on producing non-paranormal explanations for reports of ostensibly paranormal experiences, often invoking such well-documented phenomena as hallucinations, false memories, the unreliability of eyewitness testimony, and a range of other cognitive biases. Although anomalistic psychologists could in principle never prove that psi does not exist, providing plausible non-paranormal explanations supported by strong evidence tilts the balance of probability in the direction of scepticism.

Chris Roe (Professor of Psychology at the University of Northampton):

Before I respond to Chris’s opening comments I want to echo Steve’s point that beliefs in a variety of psi phenomena are common across all cultures and can be profoundly important to the people who hold them. The primary driver of belief is direct, personal experience, but the experiencer often recognises these phenomena to be problematic in seeming to contradict our everyday understanding of how the world works, and of our capacities as human beings. They typically fear that they will be labelled as credulous, psychologically weak, or of suffering from some pathology, so tend to disclose details only to close family and trusted friends. This creates a kind of taboo that can be a significant source of distress as they struggle alone to make sense of their experiences. Parapsychology is concerned with providing a transparent evidence-based understanding of paranormal phenomena based on adherence to the scientific method and grounded in theoretical orthodoxy, but where these established principles are deemed inadequate, is committed to developing new explanatory models.

Within parapsychology there is a long history of empirical research under controlled conditions, and this has generated a very substantial body of empirical work, some of which has been summarised by Etzel Cardeña (2018), as Steve has outlined. It would be untrue, then, to claim (as some commentators do) that no evidence for parapsychological effects has been accrued under controlled conditions. Of course, it is another matter entirely for that evidence to be regarded as substantial enough to persuade the neutral observer that we are dealing with real effects. Chris gives a summary of some of the main objections that have been raised, which might reasonably cause such a person to remain doubtful, and I’ll respond to those briefly.

He focuses on the claim that parapsychological effects are not substantial enough to suggest we are dealing with anything more than a trivial anomaly. In his review, Cardeña (2018) describes eleven different experimental methods and lists associated mean weighted effect sizes. These are mostly in the range of about .1 to .2, so would be classed as small or very small following Cohen’s scheme. But are they substantially different from other areas of psychology? The Open Science Collaboration (2015), a coalition of 270 research psychologists that attempted to replicate findings from 100 psychology papers, gave a mean effect size of .20. Similarly, Schäfer and Schwarz (2019) analysed a random selection of 100 published empirical studies from each of 9 domains of psychology, and found that the median effect size, r, for pre-registered studies was only 0.16. Claims that parapsychological effects are substantial enough to have real-world relevance seem reasonable, then, insofar as these other areas also lay claim to it.

Chris’s second objection is that parapsychological effects are difficult to replicate, and there seems to be a general expectation that ‘real’ effects should be more or less replicable on demand (his ‘white crow’ example could be interpreted in this way). But is this realistic when investigating human performance? Where effects are relatively small they can be very sensitive to low study power and sampling error, as well as to interaction effects of secondary variables. This could produce a noisy picture in which even a real effect would still lead to some nonsignificant studies and even some that seem to show a reversed effect, but for which the overall pattern would still show a mean shift in the predicted direction, as outcomes cluster around the actual effect size. Baptista and Derakhshani (2014) applied this logic to one paradigm in parapsychology that tested for extrasensory perception using ganzfeld stimulation, and found that while there were a number of apparent failures to replicate, the distribution of outcomes was actually very close to what one should expect given the overall effect size and the statistical power of the experiments. When effects are understood in statistical terms, then parapsychological effects seem to replicate lawfully.

Finally, I agree with Chris that sceptics face an impossible challenge if they are expected to prove a negative. However, a constructive starting point would be for them to offer explicit counter-explanations for the reported laboratory-based effects, culminating in hypotheses that could be tested experimentally. Currently, sceptics’ objections are often so unspecified that they, too, are immune from testing and possible refutation.

Chris French:

I agree that both paranormal beliefs and, to a somewhat lesser extent, reports of ostensibly paranormal experiences are common in all cultures and can have profound implications. Like Chris, I also strongly oppose assertions from uninformed sceptics that all such beliefs and experiences can be explained away in glib terms such as, ‘All believers/experiencers are mad/stupid/liars’ (delete as appropriate). These beliefs and experiences are an important part of what it means to be human and we, as psychologists, need to do our best to explain them.

I also agree with Chris that it is simply wrong to assert that there is no evidence for parapsychological effects. As he goes on to note, the question is whether that evidence is ‘substantial enough to persuade the neutral observer that we are dealing with real effects’. That is where, I suspect, Chris and I would disagree (although I think we would both acknowledge that we may be wrong).

With respect to the Open Science Collaboration report, it is clear that the authors of that report are far from arguing that their analysis suggests that the psychological effects concerned are ‘substantial enough to have real-world relevance’. Quite the opposite. To quote the final sentence of the report, ‘This project provides accumulating evidence for many findings in psychological research and suggests that there is still more work to do to verify whether we know what we think we know.’ I think the same cautious attitude should be applied, arguably even more strongly, to parapsychology.

Chris appears to have misunderstood my ‘white crow’ argument. I was putting that forward as an alternative means by which the psi debate could potentially be settled (in favour of psi proponents) but it is quite separate from the first alternative, i.e., a single paranormal effect that is robust and replicable enough to convince the wider scientific community that it is real. I am certainly not demanding 100 per cent replicability in either case. The problem for parapsychology is that not one single paranormal effect exists that is robust enough to form the basis of a psychology lab class with any real hope that it would be demonstrated. In contrast, while not denying that psychology has its own problems with replicability, there are literally hundreds of psychological effects that are indeed almost 100 per cent replicable.

Unlike most sceptics, I have long argued that parapsychology is not a pseudoscience (French & Stone, 2014). At its best, it is just as scientific (and sometimes even more scientific) than psychology. All sciences attempt to separate true signals from the noisy data in their areas of interest. As Chris notes, data in parapsychology are typically very noisy for a variety of reasons. The same is true of other social sciences, including psychology. What would a science look like if, in fact, no true signals existed at all within the noisy data? Would it perhaps look like parapsychology? Even if this is true, psychology can learn a lot about the limitations of the scientific method by studying parapsychology, especially with respect to its own replicability crisis.

To return to the original question that we were asked to address, a sufficiently replicable paranormal effect would go a very long way towards settling the psi debate in favour of the psi hypothesis. Cardeña’s review of the currently available evidence cites with approval the meta-analysis by Bem and colleagues (2015) of 90 experiments aimed at replicating the effects reported in Bem’s original series of nine experiments. The largest effect size in that original series came from Experiment 9 which Bem claimed demonstrated retroactive facilitation of recall, i.e. that memory for words is better for words that are rehearsed even if one does not rehearse the words until after one’s memory has been tested. We carried out three independent replication attempts and failed to find this effect (Ritchie et al., 2012). The 2015 meta-analysis appears to confirm that the combined data from 27 experiments (total N = 4,601) aimed at demonstrating this effect failed to reach statistical significance.

In contrast, the combined results from 14 experiments aimed at demonstrating the precognitive detection of rewarding stimuli (total N = 863), based on Bem’s Experiment 1, appeared to demonstrate a highly significant effect (effect size = 0.14, p = 1.2 x 10-5). Had parapsychologists finally found the holy grail – a replicable paranormal effect? Or was this yet another false dawn for parapsychology? It appears that it was the latter, according to the results of a recent large, multi-lab replication attempt which employed the most rigorous methodology of any parapsychological investigation ever (Kekecs et al., 2023). Bem himself approved the design of this study.

As I have written elsewhere (French, 2023), this replication attempt involved ten laboratories from nine different countries. A total of 2,115 participants contributed valid data to the study resulting in a total of 37,836 trials. This sample is more than 20 times larger than Bem’s original study and more than twice as large as all 14 studies combined using this methodology included in the subsequent meta-analysis. Kekecs and his many colleagues reported a success rate of 49.89 per cent – very close to what would be expected by chance.

As the authors concluded, ‘the results tell us that (1) the original experiment was likely affected by methodological flaws or it was a chance finding, and (2) the paradigm used in the original study is probably not useful for detecting ESP effects if they exist’ (Kekecs et al., 2023).

A cautious attitude towards the existence of psi appears to be justified for the time being.

Chris Roe:

It’s reassuring that Chris and I agree on many points, but it makes sense in my closing comments to focus on areas where we disagree. Firstly, he interprets the Open Science Collaboration authors as concluding that the work they report has no real-world relevance, but surely the researchers who devoted time and energy to these studies didn’t set out with the expectation that the effects they were interested in would be too small to have tangible consequences? If our findings are only of ‘academic’ interest, then it seems to me we would be mostly wasting our time.

Chris is still confident that psychology is replete with effects that have the kind of reliability needed for them to provide the basis of a psychology lab class. I must confess that despite having been involved in psychology research methods workshops since 1990, I can’t think of any psychological effect that would meet this standard of robustness. Pretty much every class has had at least one group whose data produced head scratching results that didn’t accord at all with expectation. That’s simply a function of the rich and complex social dynamic that is research with human participants.

As a result, though, actual data can look messy, and could lead one to speculate that the findings from a disputed area such as parapsychology show us what science would look like if there were, in fact, no true signals in noisy data. The tendency to see pattern in random data, termed apophenia, is well-known, but it is also true that people can fail to see actual patterns embedded in noisy data. The controls afforded by the scientific method and the judicious use of statistical analysis help us to avoid both of these errors. Cardeña’s paper is a good account of what the data suggest when this is applied to parapsychological claims.

It’s interesting that Chris picks up on Daryl Bem’s research, which caused such controversy when it was first published. Indeed, commentators such as Chris Chambers have seen its publication as a wake-up call for psychology to deal with a range of questionable research practices (QRPs) that may have distorted the published record. These lessons could perhaps have been learnt sooner if researchers had paid more attention to parapsychology. In the 1970s, parapsychology journals were already calling for pre-registration, encouraged submission of manuscripts based on reviews of the study design before the outcomes were known, and published null results to address file-drawer problems. Parapsychology was one of the first disciplines to adopt statistical analysis, randomisation, placebo control conditions, and meta-analysis. Double-blind designs are still much more common here than in other areas of the social sciences. Of course, there is still much room for improvement, but sweeping insinuations of ‘poor methodology’, which are sometimes made, seem misplaced.

The initiative by Kekecs and colleagues (2023) is indeed an important development and is worthy of close attention. It certainly offers a gold standard design with respect to precautions against QRPs – what we might call the meta-experiment. However, I think this has been at the expense of paying due attention to the experiment itself. We are told virtually nothing about how participants were recruited, what instructions they were given about the experiment, or under what conditions they were tested, as if these elements are unproblematic (I was surprised to learn from the lead author, for example, that 60 per cent of the trials involved group testing). The project collaborators were strikingly antipathetic to the notion of psi (they gave a median score of 1.5 on a 0-23 ‘belief’ scale). Despite the project managers’ best efforts, I don’t have confidence that the study is protected from psychosocial experimenter effects of the sort that have been well documented by Bob Rosenthal. I don’t mention these things as a rhetorical way to set aside this experiment, but it does draw attention to the impossibility of creating a ‘crucial experiment’ in the social sciences, no matter how high powered.

To return to the opening question of whether the debate about the existence of psi can ever be settled: I sincerely hope so! The worst-case scenario is to maintain beliefs that are untrue, no matter how comforting those beliefs might be. To avoid this, we must be willing to adopt a truly sceptical position, in which we set aside our prior beliefs and prejudices and consider claims solely on their empirical and methodological merits.

References

Baptista, J. & Derakhshani, M. (2014). Beyond the coin toss: Examining Wiseman’s criticisms of parapsychology. Journal of Parapsychology, 78(1), 56–79.

Bem, D., Tressoldi, P.E., Rabeyron, T. & Duggan, M. (2015). Feeling the Future: A Meta-Analysis of 90 Experiments on the Anomalous Anticipation of Random Future Events (April 11, 2014).

Cardeña, E. (2018). The experimental evidence for parapsychological phenomena: A review. American Psychologist, 73(5), 663–677.

French, C. (2023). The Transparent Psi Project: The results are in, so where are the headlines? The Skeptic, 16/3/23.

French, C.C. & Stone, A. (2014). Anomalistic Psychology: Exploring Paranormal Belief and Experience. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Kekecs, Z. et al. (2023). Raising the value of research studies in psychological science by increasing the credibility of research reports: the transparent Psi project. R. Soc. Open Sci. 10: 191375.

Open Science Collaboration (2015). Estimating the reproducibility of psychological science. Science, 349(6251).

Reber, A.S. & Alcock, J.E. (2020). Searching for the impossible: Parapsychology’s elusive quest. American Psychologist, 75(3), 391-399.

Rice, T.W. (2003). Believe It Or Not: Religious and Other Paranormal Beliefs in the United States. J Sci Study Relig., 42(1):95-106.

Ritchie, S.J., Wiseman, R. & French, C.C. (2012). Failing the future: Three unsuccessful attempts to replicate Bem's 'retroactive facilitation of recall' effect. PLoS ONE, 7(3), Article e33423.

Schäfer, T. & Schwarz, M.A. (2019). The Meaningfulness of Effect Sizes in Psychological Research: Differences Between Sub-Disciplines and the Impact of Potential Biases. Front Psychol. 10:813.

Wahbeh, H., Radin, D., Mossbridge, J., Vieten, C. & Delorme, A. (2018). Exceptional experiences reported by scientists and engineers. Explore, 14(5), 329-341.


SOURCE:

Monday, 22 April 2024

A home for environmental psychology in uncertain times



The proposers of a new British Psychological Society Section write.

17 April 2024


We live in uncertain and increasingly divisive times, with myriad socio-environmental challenges such as climate change, biodiversity loss, mass displacement of people, and increasing urbanisation. The immediacy of these challenges – which threaten physical and mental wellbeing – means the research, insight and expertise of environmental psychologists has never been of greater importance.



Psychologists are vital in helping individuals, communities, and societies work together to address these complex global challenges. Environmental psychology, as the scientific study of the reciprocal, transactional relationships that people share with natural and built environments, is particularly well placed to address these challenges, as they are complicated by human-environment interactions.



However, environmental psychologists do not currently have a clear ‘home’ within existing member networks of the British Psychological Society, despite environmental psychology being an established sub-discipline in the UK and beyond since the 1960s.

This hinders efforts to connect with other psychologists to collectively address these global challenges. We feel it is time for environmental psychologists to be welcomed into the BPS community by establishing an Environmental Psychology Section.



This new Section would bring a vibrant community of researchers and practitioners to the BPS, who often work on policy-relevant topics. Examples include understanding the wellbeing benefits of natural environments and nature connectedness (Richardson, 2024; Beute et al 2023), designing buildings and spaces that enable humans to thrive (Evans & McCoy, 1998; Harries et al., 2023; Placidi et al., 2024), and examining perceptions of climate change, climate policies, and climate justice (Ogunbode et al., 2023; Verfuerth et al., 2024).

Environmental psychologists are leading research agendas and influencing practice, via ESRC-funded projects such as CAST (led by Lorraine Whitmarsh) and ACCESS (co-directed by Patrick Devine-Wright and Birgitta Gatersleben).



Environmental psychologists believe that psychological processes are always ‘situated’, i.e., they are place-related and place-dependent. Adopting a place-based perspective helps us understand divided and oppositional viewpoints, supporting the co-creation of community-focused solutions. For example, wind turbines or solar farms help achieve Net Zero but are marked by social controversy, including accusations of NIMBYism (not in my backyard).

Controversy arises when place identity and place attachment are perceived to be threatened by proposed changes, impacting the acceptance of low-carbon energy infrastructure (Devine-Wright, 2009). Place-based perspectives can also help understand other divisive issues such as resettling and supporting refugees (Albers et al., 2021; Wnuk et al., 2023).



Low-traffic neighbourhoods (LTNs) are another divisive topic. LTNs are urban planning policies designed to create healthy and sustainable cities by encouraging active travel and reducing use of (and pollution and collisions from) cars (Giles-Corti et al., 2022; van Erpecum et al., 2024).

However, such schemes can be contentious, and perceived as anti-motorist (BBC 2023). Research has highlighted environmental and psychological barriers to ditching the car (e.g. habit, emotions, infrastructure) and the need for targeted behaviour change strategies to enable different groups of people to walk or cycle (Gatersleben & Murtagh 2012; Walker & Sutton 2024).

By centring people-place interactions in urban planning, environmental psychologists can help give people choices by making their neighbourhoods attractive, greener, and safer places to walk and cycle (Roe & McCay, 2021).



We encourage all interested BPS Members to support the formation of an Environmental Psychology Section by stating their wish to join the new Section during the vote for President-Elect and Elected Trustee between 23 April and 28 May 2024. Please read the proposal and share with colleagues.



Establishing this Section will raise the profile of environmental psychologists and strengthen links across the broader psychology community. Together we can build societies that are less divisive and more inclusive, equitable and sustainable for people and the planet.



Sarah Golding, Anna Bornioli, George Warren and Melissa Marselle
Environmental Psychology Research Group
University of Surrey

SOURCE:

Friday, 19 April 2024

«Το αληθινό σημάδι της ευφυΐας δεν είναι η γνώση αλλά η φαντασία» Άλμπερτ Άινσταϊν



ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΗ ΛΑΛΟΥ
18 ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ 2024



Μαθήματα σοφίας και ζωής από τον Άλμπερτ Άινσταϊν που πέθανε στις 18 Απριλίου του 1955


Ο Άλμπερτ Άινσταϊν γεννήθηκε στο Ουλμ της Γερμανία στις 14 Μαρτίου 1879 και ήταν Γερμανός φυσικός εβραϊκής καταγωγής. Είναι ο θεμελιωτής της Θεωρίας της Σχετικότητας και από πολλούς θεωρείται ο σημαντικότερος επιστήμονας του 20ού αιώνα και ένας από τους μεγαλύτερους όλων των εποχών. Εξέδωσε πάνω από 300 επιστημονικές δημοσιεύσεις, καθώς και 151 συγγράμματα για το ευρύ κοινό.



Είναι πιο γνωστός στο ευρύ κοινό ιδιαίτερα για τον τύπο του E=mc² που αναφέρεται από πολλούς ως «η πιο διάσημη εξίσωση στη φυσική».

Η επίδραση των ανακαλύψεων του Αϊνστάιν σχετικά με την φύση του χώρου και του χρόνου, εξακολουθεί να αποτελεί κεντρικό αντικείμενο της επιστημονικής έρευνας σε φυσική, κοσμολογία, και μαθηματικά, ενώ το επώνυμο του χρησιμοποιείται συχνά ως χαρακτηρισμός για να δηλώσει πως κάποιος έχει υψηλή ευφυΐα.

Το 1921 τιμήθηκε με το βραβείο Νόμπελ «για τη συμβολή του στη θεωρητική φυσική, και για την εξήγηση του φωτοηλεκτρικού φαινομένου». Το 1940 πολιτογραφήθηκε Αμερικανός.

Το 1952 του προτάθηκε η προεδρία του νεοσύστατου τότε κράτους του Ισραήλ, την οποία αρνήθηκε για διάφορους λόγους.

Απεβίωσε στο Πρίνστον του Νιού Τζέρσεϊ στις 18 Απριλίου του 1955.



Με αφορμή την επέτειο του θανάτου του, θυμόμαστε μερικές από τις χαρακτηριστικές του φράσεις:

«Δεν ξέρω με τι όπλα θα γίνει ο Γ’ Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος, αλλά ο Δ’ Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος θα γίνει με ξύλα και πέτρες».

«Αν δεν μπορείς να το εξηγήσεις με απλά λόγια, δεν το καταλαβαίνεις αρκετά καλά».

«Μάθε από το χθες, ζήσε για το σήμερα, έλπιζε για το αύριο. Το σημαντικό είναι να μην σταματήσεις να αμφισβητείς».

«Η ζωή είναι σαν να οδηγείς ποδήλατο. Για να διατηρήσετε την ισορροπία σας, πρέπει να συνεχίσετε να κινείστε».

«Δεν μπορούμε να λύσουμε τα προβλήματά μας με την ίδια σκέψη που χρησιμοποιούσαμε όταν τα δημιουργήσαμε».



«Κοιτάξτε βαθιά στη φύση και τότε θα καταλάβετε τα πάντα καλύτερα».

«Ένα άτομο που δεν έκανε ποτέ λάθος, δεν δοκίμασε ποτέ κάτι νέο».

«Η σύμπτωση είναι ο τρόπος του Θεού να παραμένει ανώνυμος».

«Μόνο δύο πράγματα είναι άπειρα, το σύμπαν και η ανθρώπινη βλακεία, και δεν είμαι σίγουρος για το πρώτο».

«Δεν έχω ιδιαίτερο ταλέντο. Είμαι μόνο με πάθος περίεργος».

«Η ειρήνη δεν μπορεί να διατηρηθεί με τη βία, μπορεί να επιτευχθεί μόνο με την κατανόηση».



«Δεν είναι ότι είμαι τόσο έξυπνος, απλώς παλεύω με τα προβλήματα περισσότερο».

«Προσπαθήστε να μην επιδιώκετε στην επιτυχία, αλλά μάλλον να επιδιώκετε στην αξία».

«Η κοινή λογική είναι η συλλογή προκαταλήψεων που αποκτήθηκαν μέχρι την ηλικία των δεκαοκτώ».

«Η λογική θα σε πάει από το Α στο Β. Η φαντασία θα σε πάει παντού».

«Η αδυναμία της στάσης ζωής γίνεται αδυναμία χαρακτήρα».

«Δεν μπορείς να κατηγορήσεις το νόμο της βαρύτητας που ερωτεύεστε».

«Η πραγματικότητα είναι απλώς μια ψευδαίσθηση, αν και πολύ επίμονη».

«Το αληθινό σημάδι της ευφυΐας δεν είναι η γνώση αλλά η φαντασία».

«Εκπαίδευση είναι αυτό που μένει αφού ξεχάσει κανείς τι έμαθε στο σχολείο».

«Η φαντασία είναι το παν. Είναι η προεπισκόπηση των μελλοντικών αξιοθέατων της ζωής».

«Μόνο μια ζωή που ζούμε για τους άλλους είναι μια ζωή που αξίζει τον κόπο».

«Μόλις αποδεχτούμε τα όριά μας, τα ξεπερνάμε».



«Οι διανοούμενοι λύνουν προβλήματα, οι ιδιοφυΐες τα αποτρέπουν».

«Ο καθένας θα πρέπει να γίνεται σεβαστός ως άτομο, αλλά όχι να θεωρείται είδωλο».

«Η αγάπη είναι καλύτερος δάσκαλος από το καθήκον».


«Το σημαντικό είναι να μην σταματήσεις να αμφισβητείς. Η περιέργεια έχει τον δικό της λόγο ύπαρξης».

«Δεν είμαι μόνο ειρηνιστής αλλά και μαχητικός ειρηνιστής. Είμαι πρόθυμος να αγωνιστώ για την ειρήνη. Τίποτα δεν θα τερματίσει τον πόλεμο αν οι ίδιοι οι άνθρωποι αρνηθούν να πάνε στον πόλεμο».

«Αν οι άνθρωποι είναι καλοί μόνο επειδή φοβούνται την τιμωρία και ελπίζουν για ανταμοιβή, τότε είναι πραγματικά λυπηρό».

«Σε θέματα αλήθειας και δικαιοσύνης, δεν υπάρχει διαφορά μεταξύ μεγάλων και μικρών προβλημάτων, γιατί τα θέματα που αφορούν τη μεταχείριση των ανθρώπων είναι όλα ίδια».

«Η αξία ενός ανθρώπου πρέπει να αναγνωρίζεται σε αυτά που δίνει και όχι σε αυτά που μπορεί να λάβει».

«Προσπαθήστε να μην γίνετε άνθρωπος της επιτυχίας, αλλά προσπαθήστε να γίνετε άνθρωπος με αξίες».

«Ποτέ μην κάνετε κάτι ενάντια στη συνείδησή σας ​​ακόμα κι αν το απαιτεί η κατάσταση».

«Η εξουσία προσελκύει πάντα άτομα χαμηλής ηθικής».

«Λίγοι είναι αυτοί που βλέπουν με τα μάτια τους και νιώθουν με την καρδιά τους».

«Όταν η λύση είναι απλή, ο Θεός απαντά».

Διαβάστε περισσότερα για τη ζωή και το έργο του Alebert Einstein μέσα από μια επιλογή βιβλίων:

Einstein’s Cosmos: How Albert Einstein’s Vision Transformed Our Understanding of Space and Time – Book Odyssey

ALBERT EINSTEIN – Book Odyssey

ALBERT (Einstein) – Book Odyssey

DK Life Stories Albert Einstein – Book Odyssey

On a Beam of Light: A Story of Albert Einstein – Book Odyssey

A Stubbornly Persistent Illusion: The Essential Scientific Works of Albert Einstein – Book Odyssey

The Soul of Genius: Marie Curie, Albert Einstein, and the Meeting that Changed the Course of Science – Book Odyssey


ΠΗΓΗ:

Monday, 15 April 2024

Babies’ cries alone don’t convey what they want


New research finds that neither trained participants or AI can distinguish what babies need from the sound of their cries.

12 April 2024

By Emma Young


For every new parent who’s been instructed by a relative that their baby’s cry clearly means that it’s hungry — or tired, or maybe needs its nappy changing — this finding is for you: according to new research, babies’ cries contain no clue to their cause. In fact, Marguerite Lockhart-Baron at the University of Saint-Etienne, France, and colleagues report in Communications Psychology that neither artificial intelligence nor specially trained people could identify the cause of a baby’s crying from the sound.

One reason this new finding is important is that it’s not just family members who will often claim to be able ‘read’ a baby’s crying. “Some non-academic sources even suggest that babies’ cries are a ‘language’ made up of phonemes whose meaning can be learned,” the team writes. Phone apps that promise to ‘translate’ cries are also becoming increasingly popular — “despite a lack of fundamental scientific evidence to support their veracity.”

A problem with earlier research, though, is that it’s generally been small-scale, making it hard to draw clear conclusions. In a bid to address this, Lockhart-Baron and colleagues created data set of almost 40,000 crying sequences extracted from 48-hour-hour long recordings of 24 babies (10 girls and 14 boys) in their homes. These recordings were made when the babies were aged 15 days, 1.5 months, 2.5 months, and 3.5 months.

Whenever a baby cried during a recording phase, a parent noted when the crying started, what they thought the reason might be, and also which action was effective at soothing it — which the team used to indicate the cause. In total, the researchers acquired 676 snippets of crying for which they knew the cause was hunger, discomfort, or isolation.

Next, they took two thirds of the crying sequences, and gave a machine learning algorithm scores for each of 10 acoustic variables (such as pitch and ‘roughness’) plus the cause. This was the AI training phase. In the testing phase, they gave the algorithm the acoustic data for the remaining one third of samples, and asked it to predict the cause. The results showed that it did no better than chance. In other words, there were no links between any particular patterns of these 10 acoustic variables and the reason for the crying.

The data also showed, however, that about three quarters of the time, the parents’ predictions about the reason for the crying turned out to be correct. To explore whether people are able to pick up on something in the sound that wasn’t captured with the ten acoustic variables, the team recruited 146 adult listeners who listened to a set of cry sequences from the babies when they were all 1.5 months old, and who were asked to pick a cause each time.

Again, they did no better than chance. (The team also found little to no difference in the performance of women versus men, or parents versus non-parents.) This suggests that the parents of the babies whose cries were sampled were often right about the cause thanks to their background knowledge — about how long it had been since the last feed or nappy change, for example — rather than because of any information contained in the cry itself.

In a final study, the team tried training adults, instead of AI. These participants had to guess the cause of a series of cry samples from a single infant, but were given feedback after each answer. After this training, they were played further sequences from the same baby. Once again, when asked to identify the cause, they did no better than chance.

As ever, this study does have a few limitations. One is that, with age, most babies cry less, so the team had relatively few recordings of crying from the babies at 3.5 months old. For this reason, they don’t rule out the possibility that the crying of babies of this age — or older — may contain clues to the cause that are absent from the cries of younger babies.

Given that, in theory, it could be useful for a baby’s cry to signal the reason, it might seem surprising that the team did not find this. But they did also find (in agreement with results from some earlier studies) that each individual baby had a ‘cry signature’, which persisted over time. (The most significant factor for this was median pitch. More than any other variable, this was useful for identifying a single baby.)

A baby’s cry can contain only so much information. The researchers suggest that from an evolutionary perspective, perhaps it was more useful for a baby’s cry to clearly signal its identity rather than a specific category of distress — which might have muddied the cry signature.

One key takeaway from the new study, though, is that if a family member knows when a baby was last fed or had its nappy changed, they might have some insight into why it’s crying. But, if they claim to know the cause from the sound alone, this study at least enables you to confidently instruct them that they’re wrong.


SOURCE:

Friday, 12 April 2024

Το 30% των νέων μπαμπάδων μπορεί να έχει επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη, σύμφωνα με νέα μελέτη



ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΗ ΛΑΛΟΥ
10 ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ 2024




Η συζήτηση με νέους μπαμπάδες για την ψυχική τους υγεία αποκτά πρόσθετη σημασία όταν εξετάζουν πώς μπορεί να επηρεάσει την υγεία των συντρόφων τους


Οι μπαμπάδες μπορεί να υποφέρουν από επιλόχειο κατάθλιψη και μια νέα πιλοτική μελέτη στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Ιλινόις του Σικάγο προτείνει ότι μπορούν και πρέπει να ελέγχονται για την πάθηση. Δεδομένων των αλληλένδετων επιπτώσεων της σωματικής και ψυχικής υγείας των μητέρων και των πατέρων, η αντιμετώπιση της υγείας των πατέρων μπορεί να είναι ένα ισχυρό αναξιοποίητο εργαλείο για τη βελτίωση της συνεχιζόμενης κρίσης της μητρικής υγείας παγκοσμίως.

Οι ερευνητές πήραν την άδεια των μητέρων να πάρουν συνέντευξη και να εξετάσουν 24 μπαμπάδες, το 30% των οποίων ήταν θετικό για επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη με το ίδιο εργαλείο που χρησιμοποιείται συνήθως για τον έλεγχο των μητέρων. Ο επικεφαλής συγγραφέας Δρ Sam Wainwright είπε ότι αυτό δείχνει τη σημασία του να ρωτάς τους νέους μπαμπάδες πώς τα πάνε.

«Πολλοί μπαμπάδες αγχώνονται. Φοβούνται. Δυσκολεύονται να εξισορροπήσουν την εργασία και τις ευθύνες ως γονείς και σύντροφοι», είπε. «Συχνά οι άντρες δεν τα πάνε καλά, αλλά κανείς δεν τους ρωτά γι’ αυτό».

Η συζήτηση με νέους μπαμπάδες για την ψυχική τους υγεία αποκτά πρόσθετη σημασία όταν εξετάζεται το πώς μπορεί να επηρεάσει την υγεία των συντρόφων τους.

«Μια γυναίκα που κινδυνεύει να εμφανίσει επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη είναι πολύ πιο πιθανό να εμφανίσει επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη εάν έχει έναν σύντροφο με κατάθλιψη», δήλωσε ο Wainwright, επίκουρος καθηγητής εσωτερικής ιατρικής και παιδιατρικής.

Άλλες μελέτες έχουν υπολογίσει ότι το 8% έως 13% των νέων πατέρων έχουν επιλόχειο κατάθλιψη. Ο Wainwright υποψιάζεται ότι το ποσοστό αυτής της μελέτης ήταν υψηλότερο επειδή σχεδόν το 90% των συμμετεχόντων αναγνώρισαν ότι προέρχονται από μια φυλετική ή εθνική ομάδα που αντιμετωπίζει ζητήματα δομικού ρατσισμού και κοινωνικούς καθοριστικούς παράγοντες που μπορούν να επιδεινώσουν την ψυχική υγεία.

Η μελέτη, που δημοσιεύτηκε στο περιοδικό BMC Pregnancy and Childbirth, πραγματοποιήθηκε στην κλινική Two-Generation της UI Health. Η κλινική, που άνοιξε το 2020, αναπτύχθηκε από την κατανόηση ότι οι νέες μητέρες, ειδικά οι έγχρωμες μητέρες με χαμηλούς πόρους που αναλαμβάνουν τη γονεϊκότητα μαζί με μια σειρά από δομικές προκλήσεις, συχνά δεν δίνουν προτεραιότητα στη δική τους φροντίδα υγείας. Ωστόσο, συχνά είναι πολύ επιμελείς στο να φέρουν τα παιδιά τους στο γιατρό, εξήγησε ο Wainwright. Η Κλινική Δύο Γενεών αξιοποιεί τις επισκέψεις των παιδιών, προσφέροντας ταυτόχρονα πρωτοβάθμια φροντίδα στις μαμάδες.

Ωστόσο, οι μπαμπάδες έμεναν συχνά εκτός αυτής της διαδικασίας. Τα μέλη της κλινικής ομάδας άρχισαν να συνομιλούν με τους μπαμπάδες για να δουν πώς τα πάνε. Ο Wainwright είπε ότι άκουγαν συχνά σχόλια όπως: «Είμαι πολύ αγχωμένος, αλλά δεν θέλω να το μάθει η σύντροφός μου γιατί είμαι εδώ για να τη στηρίξω». Αυτή η μελέτη προέκυψε από αυτές τις συνομιλίες.

Αυτές οι συνομιλίες ώθησαν επίσης ένα ευρύτερο ερευνητικό πρόγραμμα στο οποίο ο Wainwright άρχισε να μαθαίνει περισσότερα για τις εμπειρίες των μπαμπάδων, ειδικά όσον αφορά την ψυχική και σωματική τους υγεία. Ίσως οι επισκέψεις για την υγεία των μωρών να μην είναι το μόνο μέρος για να προσεγγίσετε τους μπαμπάδες, είπε, έτσι άρχισε να μιλά και με τους μελλοντικούς μπαμπάδες στην περιοχή αναμονής της μαιευτικής. Ζητάει επίσης να ελέγξει τους μπαμπάδες για καταστάσεις όπως η υψηλή αρτηριακή πίεση κατά τη διάρκεια αυτών των συνομιλιών.


Ο ιατρικός κόσμος παλεύει να συνδεθεί με νεαρούς άνδρες, οι οποίοι συχνά δεν επιθυμούν να δουν έναν γιατρό, είπε ο Wainwright, οπότε η προσέγγιση μαζί τους καθώς μπαίνουν στην πατρότητα αποτελεί μια σημαντική ευκαιρία. Στην πραγματικότητα, ορισμένοι από τους άνδρες στη μελέτη επιλόχειας κατάθλιψης που δεν είχαν γιατρό πρωτοβάθμιας περίθαλψης βλέπουν τώρα τον Wainwright για ιατρική φροντίδα και άλλοι ζήτησαν υπηρεσίες ψυχικής υγείας.

Ο πρωταρχικός στόχος αυτής της γραμμής έρευνας είναι να κατανοήσουμε καλύτερα πώς να βοηθήσουμε τους άνδρες να παραμείνουν υγιείς, έτσι ώστε οι σχέσεις και οι οικογένειές τους να είναι επίσης υγιείς, εξήγησε ο Wainwright.

«Πώς μπορούμε να τους δείξουμε ότι είναι σημαντικό να φροντίζεις τον εαυτό σου για χάρη του μωρού σου, για χάρη του συντρόφου σου και για χάρη του εαυτού σου;» τόνισε καταλήγοντας.

Πηγή:

Πώς να μιλήσετε σε έναν έφηβο και να τον κάνετε να σας μιλήσει


ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΗ ΛΑΛΟΥ
11 ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ 2024



Υπάρχουν τόσα πολλά στον κόσμο για τα οποία μπορεί να είναι δυσάρεστο να μιλάς, αλλά είναι σχεδόν πάντα χειρότερο να αφήνεις πράγματα ανείπωτα.


Εάν είστε γονιός ενός εφήβου, ξέρετε από πρώτο χέρι πόσο δύσκολο μπορεί να είναι να μιλήσετε για μερικά από τα πιο δυσάρεστα σημεία της ζωής. Ακόμη και με τις καλύτερες ερωτήσεις για τους εφήβους στη διάθεσή σας, το να καταλάβετε πώς να μιλήσετε σε έναν έφηβο για το σχολείο, τη ζωή και άλλα θέματα μπορεί να είναι πολύ δύσκολο.

Υπάρχουν τόσα πολλά στον κόσμο για τα οποία μπορεί να είναι δυσάρεστο να μιλάς, αλλά είναι σχεδόν πάντα χειρότερο να αφήνεις πράγματα ανείπωτα.

Ως μητέρα παιδιών κολεγιακής ηλικίας, γνωρίζω από πρώτο χέρι τις προκλήσεις του να σκεφτώ πώς να μιλήσω σε έναν έφηβο που δεν θέλει να μιλήσει. Αλλά με τις σωστές ερωτήσεις, είναι δυνατό να ξεκινήσετε σκληρές συζητήσεις και να μιλάτε πιο ανοιχτά με τον έφηβό σας σε τακτική βάση.
Διαφήμιση

Συμβουλές για την ανατροφή των παιδιών σε εφήβους

Αυτές τις μέρες, φαίνεται να συμβαίνουν ακόμη περισσότερα στον κόσμο με την επιρροή των social media. Για να μην αναφέρουμε τη συνήθη λίστα με άβολα θέματα: εκφοβισμός, ναρκωτικά, σεξ, πίεση από συνομηλίκους κ.λπ. κάνοντας άβολες τις συζητήσεις.
Αναφέρετε θέματα στο σωστό πλαίσιο

Αν θέλετε να συνομιλήσετε με τον έφηβό σας για κάποια πρόσφατα γεγονότα στις ειδήσεις, μια περίπτωση εκφοβισμού στο σχολείο του ή οτιδήποτε άλλο σχετικό με τη ζωή του, φροντίστε να δώσετε προσοχή στο σκηνικό.

Η ανάδειξη ενός σκληρού θέματος ακριβώς καθώς ο έφηβός σας επιστρέφει στο σπίτι από το σχολείο ή ενώ είστε στα μέσα του παντοπωλείου, μπορεί να μην είναι ο καλύτερος τρόπος δράσης. Επιλέξτε μια ώρα σε έναν ιδιωτικό, ουδέτερο χώρο για να ξεκινήσετε μια δύσκολη συζήτηση.
Ρωτήστε για τις εμπειρίες τους με περιέργεια, όχι εχθρότητα

Δώστε χρόνο και χώρο στο παιδί σας να μιλήσει για τις δικές του εμπειρίες με το θέμα που εξετάζετε. Ρωτήστε με σεβασμό, ανοιχτές ερωτήσεις σε εφήβους με περιέργεια και όχι εχθρότητα.
Διαφήμιση

Παραμείνετε ήρεμοι σε όλη τη διάρκεια της συνομιλίας σας

Παρόμοια με την αποφυγή εχθρότητας, προσπαθήστε να διατηρήσετε τον τόνο της φωνής σας και τη συμπεριφορά σας σε στοργικό επίπεδο και θερμό κλίμα για όλη τη συνομιλία. Δεν έχει σημασία αν έχετε τις καλύτερες ερωτήσεις συνομιλίας για εφήβους. Αν τους ρωτήσετε με τεταμένο ή εχθρικό τρόπο, δεν θα μάθετε τα μυστικά για το πώς να κάνετε έναν έφηβο να μιλήσει!

Το να κάνετε το παιδί σας να αισθάνεται ότι κρίνεται ή ότι είστε απογοητευμένοι μαζί του για οτιδήποτε μοιράζεται μαζί σας, μπορεί να επηρεάσει αρνητικά την πιθανότητα να σας μιλήσει ξανά για αυτά τα θέματα στο μέλλον.



Ενώ μπορεί να μάθετε πληροφορίες που σας απασχολούν ή σας αναστατώνουν, κρατήστε αυτές τις κρίσεις για τον εαυτό σας όσο κάνετε αυτές τις σκληρές συζητήσεις με τον έφηβό σας, ώστε να αισθάνεται άνετα να έρθει κοντά σας με τις προκλήσεις του.
Μοιραστείτε τις εμπειρίες σας, εάν υπάρχουν

Εάν έχετε εμπειρία από πρώτο χέρι από τη νεότητά σας που σχετίζεται με θέματα για τα οποία συζητάτε εσείς και το παιδί σας, φροντίστε να την αναφέρετε.

Τα παιδιά μας πρέπει να ακούσουν από εμάς ότι ξέρουμε πώς είναι να είσαι νέος και να αντιμετωπίζεις τις προκλήσεις της εφηβείας.
Τους ευχαριστούμε για τη διαφάνεια και την ειλικρίνειά τους

Το να κάνεις δύσκολες ερωτήσεις για τους εφήβους δεν είναι εύκολο, αλλά το να τις απαντήσεις είναι ακόμα πιο δύσκολο! Έτσι, στο τέλος της σκληρής συνομιλίας σας, βεβαιωθείτε ότι έχετε ενημερώσει τον έφηβό σας ότι είστε ευγνώμονες για τη διαφάνεια και την ειλικρίνειά του. Εάν το παιδί σας νιώθει άνετα να μοιραστεί μαζί σας τις εμπειρίες, τις ανησυχίες και τα όνειρά του, θα είναι λιγότερο πιθανό να κρύψει τα προβλήματά του από εσάς και πιο πιθανό να ζητήσει βοήθεια όταν τη χρειαστεί.

ΠΗΓΗ: