Thursday 25 April 2024

Will the debate about ‘psi’ ever be settled?







A discussion between Professor Chris Roe and Professor Chris French; introduced and coordinated by Dr Steve Taylor.

19 March 2024


Telepathy and precognition: could they be real? Some sceptics claim that such ‘psi phenomena’ cannot possibly exist because they contravene the laws of science. Any apparent evidence for them must be the result of factors such as fraud, coincidence, poor experimental design or questionable research practices. However, psi researchers continue to perform rigorous experiments (although perhaps not as often as they might like, due to a lack of funding) and often report significant positive results. And so the scientific debate continues, as it has for decades.

At the same time, significant numbers of the general population believe that psi exists. For example, a survey of 1200 Americans in 2003 found that over 60 per cent believed in extrasensory perception (Rice, 2003). Not only that, significant numbers of people report experiences: in a 2018 survey, half of a sample of Americans reported they had had an experience of feeling ‘as though you were in touch with someone when they were far away’ (in other words, telepathy), and slightly less than half reported an experience of knowing ‘something about the future that you had no normal way to know’ (in other words, precognition). Just over 40 per cent reported that they had received important information through their dreams (Wahbeh et al., 2018).

In 2018, American Psychologist published an article by Professor Etzel Cardeña which systemically reviewed the evidence for psi phenomena, examining over 750 discrete studies. Cardeña concluded that there was a very strong case for the existence of psi, writing that the evidence was ‘comparable to that for established phenomena in psychology and other disciplines’ (2018, p.663). A commentary on the article from the British Psychological Society’s Research Digest reported, ‘on this basis, it is arguable that, as much as any other field of psychology, there is at least something meriting investigation.’

In a response to Cardeña, the sceptics Arthur Reber and James Alcock (2020) simply argued that his conclusions couldn’t be valid because psi was theoretically impossible. ‘Claims made by parapsychologists cannot be true … Hence, data that suggest that they can are necessarily flawed and result from weak methodology or improper data analyses’ (2020, p.391). Like other sceptics, they simply argued that if psi were true, we would have to rewrite the laws of science.

One argument in response from psi researchers is that there are many theories and concepts in quantum physics that allow for the possibility of psi, such as entanglement and non-locality (although this doesn’t necessarily mean that psi can be explained in these terms). In these terms, psi is not against the laws of science at all.

In this debate, we turn to two of the UK’s leading commentators and researchers in the field of psi, Professor Chris French and Professor Chris Roe. The specific question we asked them to debate is: Will the debate about the existence of psi ever be settled?

Chris French (Emeritus Professor and Head of the Anomalistic Psychology Research Unit, Department of Psychology, Goldsmiths, University of London; author of The Science of Weird Shit: Why Our Brains Conjure the Paranormal)

The short answer to this question is as follows: if psi really does exist, then potentially the debate about its existence may one day be settled; if not, then the debate will probably rumble on forever without ever being resolved.

Let me unpack that a little. To date, parapsychologists have failed to produce evidence for paranormal phenomena that is robust and replicable enough to satisfy the wider scientific community that psi does indeed exist. Although some critics of parapsychology argue that psi is theoretically impossible because its existence would violate fundamental laws of nature, this is not a position held by all critics. In my personal opinion, the strongest evidence available in support of psi, as summarised by Cardeña (2018), is certainly strong enough to justify further research even if the effect sizes reported in various meta-analyses are typically very small. If parapsychologists could refine their protocols in such a way that the effect sizes could be reliably increased, the debate would be settled.

Another way in which the debate could be settled is by the discovery of just one gifted psychic, capable of demonstrating their ability under properly controlled conditions. As William James famously pointed out, ‘If you wish to upset the law that all crows are black, you mustn't seek to show that no crows are; it is enough if you prove one single crow to be white.’ For example, some individuals claim to be able to induce out-of-body experiences more or less at will. If just one such individual could demonstrate an ability to reliably perceive targets in remote locations, that one ‘white crow’ would be sufficient to silence sceptics who argue that the out-of-body experience is hallucinatory.

Whereas proponents of psi could, in principle, prove that psi exists, sceptics could never prove that it does not. For well over a century, proponents have argued that the final definitive proof of the existence of psi is almost within reach, just around the next corner. For a variety of reasons, that moment never seems to arrive – but one could never actually prove that it will never arrive.

However, we know enough about the shortcomings of human cognition to know that even if psi does not exist, many people will continue to believe that it does. Anomalistic psychologists focus their efforts on producing non-paranormal explanations for reports of ostensibly paranormal experiences, often invoking such well-documented phenomena as hallucinations, false memories, the unreliability of eyewitness testimony, and a range of other cognitive biases. Although anomalistic psychologists could in principle never prove that psi does not exist, providing plausible non-paranormal explanations supported by strong evidence tilts the balance of probability in the direction of scepticism.

Chris Roe (Professor of Psychology at the University of Northampton):

Before I respond to Chris’s opening comments I want to echo Steve’s point that beliefs in a variety of psi phenomena are common across all cultures and can be profoundly important to the people who hold them. The primary driver of belief is direct, personal experience, but the experiencer often recognises these phenomena to be problematic in seeming to contradict our everyday understanding of how the world works, and of our capacities as human beings. They typically fear that they will be labelled as credulous, psychologically weak, or of suffering from some pathology, so tend to disclose details only to close family and trusted friends. This creates a kind of taboo that can be a significant source of distress as they struggle alone to make sense of their experiences. Parapsychology is concerned with providing a transparent evidence-based understanding of paranormal phenomena based on adherence to the scientific method and grounded in theoretical orthodoxy, but where these established principles are deemed inadequate, is committed to developing new explanatory models.

Within parapsychology there is a long history of empirical research under controlled conditions, and this has generated a very substantial body of empirical work, some of which has been summarised by Etzel Cardeña (2018), as Steve has outlined. It would be untrue, then, to claim (as some commentators do) that no evidence for parapsychological effects has been accrued under controlled conditions. Of course, it is another matter entirely for that evidence to be regarded as substantial enough to persuade the neutral observer that we are dealing with real effects. Chris gives a summary of some of the main objections that have been raised, which might reasonably cause such a person to remain doubtful, and I’ll respond to those briefly.

He focuses on the claim that parapsychological effects are not substantial enough to suggest we are dealing with anything more than a trivial anomaly. In his review, Cardeña (2018) describes eleven different experimental methods and lists associated mean weighted effect sizes. These are mostly in the range of about .1 to .2, so would be classed as small or very small following Cohen’s scheme. But are they substantially different from other areas of psychology? The Open Science Collaboration (2015), a coalition of 270 research psychologists that attempted to replicate findings from 100 psychology papers, gave a mean effect size of .20. Similarly, Schäfer and Schwarz (2019) analysed a random selection of 100 published empirical studies from each of 9 domains of psychology, and found that the median effect size, r, for pre-registered studies was only 0.16. Claims that parapsychological effects are substantial enough to have real-world relevance seem reasonable, then, insofar as these other areas also lay claim to it.

Chris’s second objection is that parapsychological effects are difficult to replicate, and there seems to be a general expectation that ‘real’ effects should be more or less replicable on demand (his ‘white crow’ example could be interpreted in this way). But is this realistic when investigating human performance? Where effects are relatively small they can be very sensitive to low study power and sampling error, as well as to interaction effects of secondary variables. This could produce a noisy picture in which even a real effect would still lead to some nonsignificant studies and even some that seem to show a reversed effect, but for which the overall pattern would still show a mean shift in the predicted direction, as outcomes cluster around the actual effect size. Baptista and Derakhshani (2014) applied this logic to one paradigm in parapsychology that tested for extrasensory perception using ganzfeld stimulation, and found that while there were a number of apparent failures to replicate, the distribution of outcomes was actually very close to what one should expect given the overall effect size and the statistical power of the experiments. When effects are understood in statistical terms, then parapsychological effects seem to replicate lawfully.

Finally, I agree with Chris that sceptics face an impossible challenge if they are expected to prove a negative. However, a constructive starting point would be for them to offer explicit counter-explanations for the reported laboratory-based effects, culminating in hypotheses that could be tested experimentally. Currently, sceptics’ objections are often so unspecified that they, too, are immune from testing and possible refutation.

Chris French:

I agree that both paranormal beliefs and, to a somewhat lesser extent, reports of ostensibly paranormal experiences are common in all cultures and can have profound implications. Like Chris, I also strongly oppose assertions from uninformed sceptics that all such beliefs and experiences can be explained away in glib terms such as, ‘All believers/experiencers are mad/stupid/liars’ (delete as appropriate). These beliefs and experiences are an important part of what it means to be human and we, as psychologists, need to do our best to explain them.

I also agree with Chris that it is simply wrong to assert that there is no evidence for parapsychological effects. As he goes on to note, the question is whether that evidence is ‘substantial enough to persuade the neutral observer that we are dealing with real effects’. That is where, I suspect, Chris and I would disagree (although I think we would both acknowledge that we may be wrong).

With respect to the Open Science Collaboration report, it is clear that the authors of that report are far from arguing that their analysis suggests that the psychological effects concerned are ‘substantial enough to have real-world relevance’. Quite the opposite. To quote the final sentence of the report, ‘This project provides accumulating evidence for many findings in psychological research and suggests that there is still more work to do to verify whether we know what we think we know.’ I think the same cautious attitude should be applied, arguably even more strongly, to parapsychology.

Chris appears to have misunderstood my ‘white crow’ argument. I was putting that forward as an alternative means by which the psi debate could potentially be settled (in favour of psi proponents) but it is quite separate from the first alternative, i.e., a single paranormal effect that is robust and replicable enough to convince the wider scientific community that it is real. I am certainly not demanding 100 per cent replicability in either case. The problem for parapsychology is that not one single paranormal effect exists that is robust enough to form the basis of a psychology lab class with any real hope that it would be demonstrated. In contrast, while not denying that psychology has its own problems with replicability, there are literally hundreds of psychological effects that are indeed almost 100 per cent replicable.

Unlike most sceptics, I have long argued that parapsychology is not a pseudoscience (French & Stone, 2014). At its best, it is just as scientific (and sometimes even more scientific) than psychology. All sciences attempt to separate true signals from the noisy data in their areas of interest. As Chris notes, data in parapsychology are typically very noisy for a variety of reasons. The same is true of other social sciences, including psychology. What would a science look like if, in fact, no true signals existed at all within the noisy data? Would it perhaps look like parapsychology? Even if this is true, psychology can learn a lot about the limitations of the scientific method by studying parapsychology, especially with respect to its own replicability crisis.

To return to the original question that we were asked to address, a sufficiently replicable paranormal effect would go a very long way towards settling the psi debate in favour of the psi hypothesis. Cardeña’s review of the currently available evidence cites with approval the meta-analysis by Bem and colleagues (2015) of 90 experiments aimed at replicating the effects reported in Bem’s original series of nine experiments. The largest effect size in that original series came from Experiment 9 which Bem claimed demonstrated retroactive facilitation of recall, i.e. that memory for words is better for words that are rehearsed even if one does not rehearse the words until after one’s memory has been tested. We carried out three independent replication attempts and failed to find this effect (Ritchie et al., 2012). The 2015 meta-analysis appears to confirm that the combined data from 27 experiments (total N = 4,601) aimed at demonstrating this effect failed to reach statistical significance.

In contrast, the combined results from 14 experiments aimed at demonstrating the precognitive detection of rewarding stimuli (total N = 863), based on Bem’s Experiment 1, appeared to demonstrate a highly significant effect (effect size = 0.14, p = 1.2 x 10-5). Had parapsychologists finally found the holy grail – a replicable paranormal effect? Or was this yet another false dawn for parapsychology? It appears that it was the latter, according to the results of a recent large, multi-lab replication attempt which employed the most rigorous methodology of any parapsychological investigation ever (Kekecs et al., 2023). Bem himself approved the design of this study.

As I have written elsewhere (French, 2023), this replication attempt involved ten laboratories from nine different countries. A total of 2,115 participants contributed valid data to the study resulting in a total of 37,836 trials. This sample is more than 20 times larger than Bem’s original study and more than twice as large as all 14 studies combined using this methodology included in the subsequent meta-analysis. Kekecs and his many colleagues reported a success rate of 49.89 per cent – very close to what would be expected by chance.

As the authors concluded, ‘the results tell us that (1) the original experiment was likely affected by methodological flaws or it was a chance finding, and (2) the paradigm used in the original study is probably not useful for detecting ESP effects if they exist’ (Kekecs et al., 2023).

A cautious attitude towards the existence of psi appears to be justified for the time being.

Chris Roe:

It’s reassuring that Chris and I agree on many points, but it makes sense in my closing comments to focus on areas where we disagree. Firstly, he interprets the Open Science Collaboration authors as concluding that the work they report has no real-world relevance, but surely the researchers who devoted time and energy to these studies didn’t set out with the expectation that the effects they were interested in would be too small to have tangible consequences? If our findings are only of ‘academic’ interest, then it seems to me we would be mostly wasting our time.

Chris is still confident that psychology is replete with effects that have the kind of reliability needed for them to provide the basis of a psychology lab class. I must confess that despite having been involved in psychology research methods workshops since 1990, I can’t think of any psychological effect that would meet this standard of robustness. Pretty much every class has had at least one group whose data produced head scratching results that didn’t accord at all with expectation. That’s simply a function of the rich and complex social dynamic that is research with human participants.

As a result, though, actual data can look messy, and could lead one to speculate that the findings from a disputed area such as parapsychology show us what science would look like if there were, in fact, no true signals in noisy data. The tendency to see pattern in random data, termed apophenia, is well-known, but it is also true that people can fail to see actual patterns embedded in noisy data. The controls afforded by the scientific method and the judicious use of statistical analysis help us to avoid both of these errors. Cardeña’s paper is a good account of what the data suggest when this is applied to parapsychological claims.

It’s interesting that Chris picks up on Daryl Bem’s research, which caused such controversy when it was first published. Indeed, commentators such as Chris Chambers have seen its publication as a wake-up call for psychology to deal with a range of questionable research practices (QRPs) that may have distorted the published record. These lessons could perhaps have been learnt sooner if researchers had paid more attention to parapsychology. In the 1970s, parapsychology journals were already calling for pre-registration, encouraged submission of manuscripts based on reviews of the study design before the outcomes were known, and published null results to address file-drawer problems. Parapsychology was one of the first disciplines to adopt statistical analysis, randomisation, placebo control conditions, and meta-analysis. Double-blind designs are still much more common here than in other areas of the social sciences. Of course, there is still much room for improvement, but sweeping insinuations of ‘poor methodology’, which are sometimes made, seem misplaced.

The initiative by Kekecs and colleagues (2023) is indeed an important development and is worthy of close attention. It certainly offers a gold standard design with respect to precautions against QRPs – what we might call the meta-experiment. However, I think this has been at the expense of paying due attention to the experiment itself. We are told virtually nothing about how participants were recruited, what instructions they were given about the experiment, or under what conditions they were tested, as if these elements are unproblematic (I was surprised to learn from the lead author, for example, that 60 per cent of the trials involved group testing). The project collaborators were strikingly antipathetic to the notion of psi (they gave a median score of 1.5 on a 0-23 ‘belief’ scale). Despite the project managers’ best efforts, I don’t have confidence that the study is protected from psychosocial experimenter effects of the sort that have been well documented by Bob Rosenthal. I don’t mention these things as a rhetorical way to set aside this experiment, but it does draw attention to the impossibility of creating a ‘crucial experiment’ in the social sciences, no matter how high powered.

To return to the opening question of whether the debate about the existence of psi can ever be settled: I sincerely hope so! The worst-case scenario is to maintain beliefs that are untrue, no matter how comforting those beliefs might be. To avoid this, we must be willing to adopt a truly sceptical position, in which we set aside our prior beliefs and prejudices and consider claims solely on their empirical and methodological merits.

References

Baptista, J. & Derakhshani, M. (2014). Beyond the coin toss: Examining Wiseman’s criticisms of parapsychology. Journal of Parapsychology, 78(1), 56–79.

Bem, D., Tressoldi, P.E., Rabeyron, T. & Duggan, M. (2015). Feeling the Future: A Meta-Analysis of 90 Experiments on the Anomalous Anticipation of Random Future Events (April 11, 2014).

Cardeña, E. (2018). The experimental evidence for parapsychological phenomena: A review. American Psychologist, 73(5), 663–677.

French, C. (2023). The Transparent Psi Project: The results are in, so where are the headlines? The Skeptic, 16/3/23.

French, C.C. & Stone, A. (2014). Anomalistic Psychology: Exploring Paranormal Belief and Experience. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Kekecs, Z. et al. (2023). Raising the value of research studies in psychological science by increasing the credibility of research reports: the transparent Psi project. R. Soc. Open Sci. 10: 191375.

Open Science Collaboration (2015). Estimating the reproducibility of psychological science. Science, 349(6251).

Reber, A.S. & Alcock, J.E. (2020). Searching for the impossible: Parapsychology’s elusive quest. American Psychologist, 75(3), 391-399.

Rice, T.W. (2003). Believe It Or Not: Religious and Other Paranormal Beliefs in the United States. J Sci Study Relig., 42(1):95-106.

Ritchie, S.J., Wiseman, R. & French, C.C. (2012). Failing the future: Three unsuccessful attempts to replicate Bem's 'retroactive facilitation of recall' effect. PLoS ONE, 7(3), Article e33423.

Schäfer, T. & Schwarz, M.A. (2019). The Meaningfulness of Effect Sizes in Psychological Research: Differences Between Sub-Disciplines and the Impact of Potential Biases. Front Psychol. 10:813.

Wahbeh, H., Radin, D., Mossbridge, J., Vieten, C. & Delorme, A. (2018). Exceptional experiences reported by scientists and engineers. Explore, 14(5), 329-341.


SOURCE:

Monday 22 April 2024

A home for environmental psychology in uncertain times



The proposers of a new British Psychological Society Section write.

17 April 2024


We live in uncertain and increasingly divisive times, with myriad socio-environmental challenges such as climate change, biodiversity loss, mass displacement of people, and increasing urbanisation. The immediacy of these challenges – which threaten physical and mental wellbeing – means the research, insight and expertise of environmental psychologists has never been of greater importance.



Psychologists are vital in helping individuals, communities, and societies work together to address these complex global challenges. Environmental psychology, as the scientific study of the reciprocal, transactional relationships that people share with natural and built environments, is particularly well placed to address these challenges, as they are complicated by human-environment interactions.



However, environmental psychologists do not currently have a clear ‘home’ within existing member networks of the British Psychological Society, despite environmental psychology being an established sub-discipline in the UK and beyond since the 1960s.

This hinders efforts to connect with other psychologists to collectively address these global challenges. We feel it is time for environmental psychologists to be welcomed into the BPS community by establishing an Environmental Psychology Section.



This new Section would bring a vibrant community of researchers and practitioners to the BPS, who often work on policy-relevant topics. Examples include understanding the wellbeing benefits of natural environments and nature connectedness (Richardson, 2024; Beute et al 2023), designing buildings and spaces that enable humans to thrive (Evans & McCoy, 1998; Harries et al., 2023; Placidi et al., 2024), and examining perceptions of climate change, climate policies, and climate justice (Ogunbode et al., 2023; Verfuerth et al., 2024).

Environmental psychologists are leading research agendas and influencing practice, via ESRC-funded projects such as CAST (led by Lorraine Whitmarsh) and ACCESS (co-directed by Patrick Devine-Wright and Birgitta Gatersleben).



Environmental psychologists believe that psychological processes are always ‘situated’, i.e., they are place-related and place-dependent. Adopting a place-based perspective helps us understand divided and oppositional viewpoints, supporting the co-creation of community-focused solutions. For example, wind turbines or solar farms help achieve Net Zero but are marked by social controversy, including accusations of NIMBYism (not in my backyard).

Controversy arises when place identity and place attachment are perceived to be threatened by proposed changes, impacting the acceptance of low-carbon energy infrastructure (Devine-Wright, 2009). Place-based perspectives can also help understand other divisive issues such as resettling and supporting refugees (Albers et al., 2021; Wnuk et al., 2023).



Low-traffic neighbourhoods (LTNs) are another divisive topic. LTNs are urban planning policies designed to create healthy and sustainable cities by encouraging active travel and reducing use of (and pollution and collisions from) cars (Giles-Corti et al., 2022; van Erpecum et al., 2024).

However, such schemes can be contentious, and perceived as anti-motorist (BBC 2023). Research has highlighted environmental and psychological barriers to ditching the car (e.g. habit, emotions, infrastructure) and the need for targeted behaviour change strategies to enable different groups of people to walk or cycle (Gatersleben & Murtagh 2012; Walker & Sutton 2024).

By centring people-place interactions in urban planning, environmental psychologists can help give people choices by making their neighbourhoods attractive, greener, and safer places to walk and cycle (Roe & McCay, 2021).



We encourage all interested BPS Members to support the formation of an Environmental Psychology Section by stating their wish to join the new Section during the vote for President-Elect and Elected Trustee between 23 April and 28 May 2024. Please read the proposal and share with colleagues.



Establishing this Section will raise the profile of environmental psychologists and strengthen links across the broader psychology community. Together we can build societies that are less divisive and more inclusive, equitable and sustainable for people and the planet.



Sarah Golding, Anna Bornioli, George Warren and Melissa Marselle
Environmental Psychology Research Group
University of Surrey

SOURCE:

Friday 19 April 2024

«Το αληθινό σημάδι της ευφυΐας δεν είναι η γνώση αλλά η φαντασία» Άλμπερτ Άινσταϊν



ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΗ ΛΑΛΟΥ
18 ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ 2024



Μαθήματα σοφίας και ζωής από τον Άλμπερτ Άινσταϊν που πέθανε στις 18 Απριλίου του 1955


Ο Άλμπερτ Άινσταϊν γεννήθηκε στο Ουλμ της Γερμανία στις 14 Μαρτίου 1879 και ήταν Γερμανός φυσικός εβραϊκής καταγωγής. Είναι ο θεμελιωτής της Θεωρίας της Σχετικότητας και από πολλούς θεωρείται ο σημαντικότερος επιστήμονας του 20ού αιώνα και ένας από τους μεγαλύτερους όλων των εποχών. Εξέδωσε πάνω από 300 επιστημονικές δημοσιεύσεις, καθώς και 151 συγγράμματα για το ευρύ κοινό.



Είναι πιο γνωστός στο ευρύ κοινό ιδιαίτερα για τον τύπο του E=mc² που αναφέρεται από πολλούς ως «η πιο διάσημη εξίσωση στη φυσική».

Η επίδραση των ανακαλύψεων του Αϊνστάιν σχετικά με την φύση του χώρου και του χρόνου, εξακολουθεί να αποτελεί κεντρικό αντικείμενο της επιστημονικής έρευνας σε φυσική, κοσμολογία, και μαθηματικά, ενώ το επώνυμο του χρησιμοποιείται συχνά ως χαρακτηρισμός για να δηλώσει πως κάποιος έχει υψηλή ευφυΐα.

Το 1921 τιμήθηκε με το βραβείο Νόμπελ «για τη συμβολή του στη θεωρητική φυσική, και για την εξήγηση του φωτοηλεκτρικού φαινομένου». Το 1940 πολιτογραφήθηκε Αμερικανός.

Το 1952 του προτάθηκε η προεδρία του νεοσύστατου τότε κράτους του Ισραήλ, την οποία αρνήθηκε για διάφορους λόγους.

Απεβίωσε στο Πρίνστον του Νιού Τζέρσεϊ στις 18 Απριλίου του 1955.



Με αφορμή την επέτειο του θανάτου του, θυμόμαστε μερικές από τις χαρακτηριστικές του φράσεις:

«Δεν ξέρω με τι όπλα θα γίνει ο Γ’ Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος, αλλά ο Δ’ Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος θα γίνει με ξύλα και πέτρες».

«Αν δεν μπορείς να το εξηγήσεις με απλά λόγια, δεν το καταλαβαίνεις αρκετά καλά».

«Μάθε από το χθες, ζήσε για το σήμερα, έλπιζε για το αύριο. Το σημαντικό είναι να μην σταματήσεις να αμφισβητείς».

«Η ζωή είναι σαν να οδηγείς ποδήλατο. Για να διατηρήσετε την ισορροπία σας, πρέπει να συνεχίσετε να κινείστε».

«Δεν μπορούμε να λύσουμε τα προβλήματά μας με την ίδια σκέψη που χρησιμοποιούσαμε όταν τα δημιουργήσαμε».



«Κοιτάξτε βαθιά στη φύση και τότε θα καταλάβετε τα πάντα καλύτερα».

«Ένα άτομο που δεν έκανε ποτέ λάθος, δεν δοκίμασε ποτέ κάτι νέο».

«Η σύμπτωση είναι ο τρόπος του Θεού να παραμένει ανώνυμος».

«Μόνο δύο πράγματα είναι άπειρα, το σύμπαν και η ανθρώπινη βλακεία, και δεν είμαι σίγουρος για το πρώτο».

«Δεν έχω ιδιαίτερο ταλέντο. Είμαι μόνο με πάθος περίεργος».

«Η ειρήνη δεν μπορεί να διατηρηθεί με τη βία, μπορεί να επιτευχθεί μόνο με την κατανόηση».



«Δεν είναι ότι είμαι τόσο έξυπνος, απλώς παλεύω με τα προβλήματα περισσότερο».

«Προσπαθήστε να μην επιδιώκετε στην επιτυχία, αλλά μάλλον να επιδιώκετε στην αξία».

«Η κοινή λογική είναι η συλλογή προκαταλήψεων που αποκτήθηκαν μέχρι την ηλικία των δεκαοκτώ».

«Η λογική θα σε πάει από το Α στο Β. Η φαντασία θα σε πάει παντού».

«Η αδυναμία της στάσης ζωής γίνεται αδυναμία χαρακτήρα».

«Δεν μπορείς να κατηγορήσεις το νόμο της βαρύτητας που ερωτεύεστε».

«Η πραγματικότητα είναι απλώς μια ψευδαίσθηση, αν και πολύ επίμονη».

«Το αληθινό σημάδι της ευφυΐας δεν είναι η γνώση αλλά η φαντασία».

«Εκπαίδευση είναι αυτό που μένει αφού ξεχάσει κανείς τι έμαθε στο σχολείο».

«Η φαντασία είναι το παν. Είναι η προεπισκόπηση των μελλοντικών αξιοθέατων της ζωής».

«Μόνο μια ζωή που ζούμε για τους άλλους είναι μια ζωή που αξίζει τον κόπο».

«Μόλις αποδεχτούμε τα όριά μας, τα ξεπερνάμε».



«Οι διανοούμενοι λύνουν προβλήματα, οι ιδιοφυΐες τα αποτρέπουν».

«Ο καθένας θα πρέπει να γίνεται σεβαστός ως άτομο, αλλά όχι να θεωρείται είδωλο».

«Η αγάπη είναι καλύτερος δάσκαλος από το καθήκον».


«Το σημαντικό είναι να μην σταματήσεις να αμφισβητείς. Η περιέργεια έχει τον δικό της λόγο ύπαρξης».

«Δεν είμαι μόνο ειρηνιστής αλλά και μαχητικός ειρηνιστής. Είμαι πρόθυμος να αγωνιστώ για την ειρήνη. Τίποτα δεν θα τερματίσει τον πόλεμο αν οι ίδιοι οι άνθρωποι αρνηθούν να πάνε στον πόλεμο».

«Αν οι άνθρωποι είναι καλοί μόνο επειδή φοβούνται την τιμωρία και ελπίζουν για ανταμοιβή, τότε είναι πραγματικά λυπηρό».

«Σε θέματα αλήθειας και δικαιοσύνης, δεν υπάρχει διαφορά μεταξύ μεγάλων και μικρών προβλημάτων, γιατί τα θέματα που αφορούν τη μεταχείριση των ανθρώπων είναι όλα ίδια».

«Η αξία ενός ανθρώπου πρέπει να αναγνωρίζεται σε αυτά που δίνει και όχι σε αυτά που μπορεί να λάβει».

«Προσπαθήστε να μην γίνετε άνθρωπος της επιτυχίας, αλλά προσπαθήστε να γίνετε άνθρωπος με αξίες».

«Ποτέ μην κάνετε κάτι ενάντια στη συνείδησή σας ​​ακόμα κι αν το απαιτεί η κατάσταση».

«Η εξουσία προσελκύει πάντα άτομα χαμηλής ηθικής».

«Λίγοι είναι αυτοί που βλέπουν με τα μάτια τους και νιώθουν με την καρδιά τους».

«Όταν η λύση είναι απλή, ο Θεός απαντά».

Διαβάστε περισσότερα για τη ζωή και το έργο του Alebert Einstein μέσα από μια επιλογή βιβλίων:

Einstein’s Cosmos: How Albert Einstein’s Vision Transformed Our Understanding of Space and Time – Book Odyssey

ALBERT EINSTEIN – Book Odyssey

ALBERT (Einstein) – Book Odyssey

DK Life Stories Albert Einstein – Book Odyssey

On a Beam of Light: A Story of Albert Einstein – Book Odyssey

A Stubbornly Persistent Illusion: The Essential Scientific Works of Albert Einstein – Book Odyssey

The Soul of Genius: Marie Curie, Albert Einstein, and the Meeting that Changed the Course of Science – Book Odyssey


ΠΗΓΗ:

Monday 15 April 2024

Babies’ cries alone don’t convey what they want


New research finds that neither trained participants or AI can distinguish what babies need from the sound of their cries.

12 April 2024

By Emma Young


For every new parent who’s been instructed by a relative that their baby’s cry clearly means that it’s hungry — or tired, or maybe needs its nappy changing — this finding is for you: according to new research, babies’ cries contain no clue to their cause. In fact, Marguerite Lockhart-Baron at the University of Saint-Etienne, France, and colleagues report in Communications Psychology that neither artificial intelligence nor specially trained people could identify the cause of a baby’s crying from the sound.

One reason this new finding is important is that it’s not just family members who will often claim to be able ‘read’ a baby’s crying. “Some non-academic sources even suggest that babies’ cries are a ‘language’ made up of phonemes whose meaning can be learned,” the team writes. Phone apps that promise to ‘translate’ cries are also becoming increasingly popular — “despite a lack of fundamental scientific evidence to support their veracity.”

A problem with earlier research, though, is that it’s generally been small-scale, making it hard to draw clear conclusions. In a bid to address this, Lockhart-Baron and colleagues created data set of almost 40,000 crying sequences extracted from 48-hour-hour long recordings of 24 babies (10 girls and 14 boys) in their homes. These recordings were made when the babies were aged 15 days, 1.5 months, 2.5 months, and 3.5 months.

Whenever a baby cried during a recording phase, a parent noted when the crying started, what they thought the reason might be, and also which action was effective at soothing it — which the team used to indicate the cause. In total, the researchers acquired 676 snippets of crying for which they knew the cause was hunger, discomfort, or isolation.

Next, they took two thirds of the crying sequences, and gave a machine learning algorithm scores for each of 10 acoustic variables (such as pitch and ‘roughness’) plus the cause. This was the AI training phase. In the testing phase, they gave the algorithm the acoustic data for the remaining one third of samples, and asked it to predict the cause. The results showed that it did no better than chance. In other words, there were no links between any particular patterns of these 10 acoustic variables and the reason for the crying.

The data also showed, however, that about three quarters of the time, the parents’ predictions about the reason for the crying turned out to be correct. To explore whether people are able to pick up on something in the sound that wasn’t captured with the ten acoustic variables, the team recruited 146 adult listeners who listened to a set of cry sequences from the babies when they were all 1.5 months old, and who were asked to pick a cause each time.

Again, they did no better than chance. (The team also found little to no difference in the performance of women versus men, or parents versus non-parents.) This suggests that the parents of the babies whose cries were sampled were often right about the cause thanks to their background knowledge — about how long it had been since the last feed or nappy change, for example — rather than because of any information contained in the cry itself.

In a final study, the team tried training adults, instead of AI. These participants had to guess the cause of a series of cry samples from a single infant, but were given feedback after each answer. After this training, they were played further sequences from the same baby. Once again, when asked to identify the cause, they did no better than chance.

As ever, this study does have a few limitations. One is that, with age, most babies cry less, so the team had relatively few recordings of crying from the babies at 3.5 months old. For this reason, they don’t rule out the possibility that the crying of babies of this age — or older — may contain clues to the cause that are absent from the cries of younger babies.

Given that, in theory, it could be useful for a baby’s cry to signal the reason, it might seem surprising that the team did not find this. But they did also find (in agreement with results from some earlier studies) that each individual baby had a ‘cry signature’, which persisted over time. (The most significant factor for this was median pitch. More than any other variable, this was useful for identifying a single baby.)

A baby’s cry can contain only so much information. The researchers suggest that from an evolutionary perspective, perhaps it was more useful for a baby’s cry to clearly signal its identity rather than a specific category of distress — which might have muddied the cry signature.

One key takeaway from the new study, though, is that if a family member knows when a baby was last fed or had its nappy changed, they might have some insight into why it’s crying. But, if they claim to know the cause from the sound alone, this study at least enables you to confidently instruct them that they’re wrong.


SOURCE:

Friday 12 April 2024

Το 30% των νέων μπαμπάδων μπορεί να έχει επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη, σύμφωνα με νέα μελέτη



ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΗ ΛΑΛΟΥ
10 ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ 2024




Η συζήτηση με νέους μπαμπάδες για την ψυχική τους υγεία αποκτά πρόσθετη σημασία όταν εξετάζουν πώς μπορεί να επηρεάσει την υγεία των συντρόφων τους


Οι μπαμπάδες μπορεί να υποφέρουν από επιλόχειο κατάθλιψη και μια νέα πιλοτική μελέτη στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Ιλινόις του Σικάγο προτείνει ότι μπορούν και πρέπει να ελέγχονται για την πάθηση. Δεδομένων των αλληλένδετων επιπτώσεων της σωματικής και ψυχικής υγείας των μητέρων και των πατέρων, η αντιμετώπιση της υγείας των πατέρων μπορεί να είναι ένα ισχυρό αναξιοποίητο εργαλείο για τη βελτίωση της συνεχιζόμενης κρίσης της μητρικής υγείας παγκοσμίως.

Οι ερευνητές πήραν την άδεια των μητέρων να πάρουν συνέντευξη και να εξετάσουν 24 μπαμπάδες, το 30% των οποίων ήταν θετικό για επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη με το ίδιο εργαλείο που χρησιμοποιείται συνήθως για τον έλεγχο των μητέρων. Ο επικεφαλής συγγραφέας Δρ Sam Wainwright είπε ότι αυτό δείχνει τη σημασία του να ρωτάς τους νέους μπαμπάδες πώς τα πάνε.

«Πολλοί μπαμπάδες αγχώνονται. Φοβούνται. Δυσκολεύονται να εξισορροπήσουν την εργασία και τις ευθύνες ως γονείς και σύντροφοι», είπε. «Συχνά οι άντρες δεν τα πάνε καλά, αλλά κανείς δεν τους ρωτά γι’ αυτό».

Η συζήτηση με νέους μπαμπάδες για την ψυχική τους υγεία αποκτά πρόσθετη σημασία όταν εξετάζεται το πώς μπορεί να επηρεάσει την υγεία των συντρόφων τους.

«Μια γυναίκα που κινδυνεύει να εμφανίσει επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη είναι πολύ πιο πιθανό να εμφανίσει επιλόχεια κατάθλιψη εάν έχει έναν σύντροφο με κατάθλιψη», δήλωσε ο Wainwright, επίκουρος καθηγητής εσωτερικής ιατρικής και παιδιατρικής.

Άλλες μελέτες έχουν υπολογίσει ότι το 8% έως 13% των νέων πατέρων έχουν επιλόχειο κατάθλιψη. Ο Wainwright υποψιάζεται ότι το ποσοστό αυτής της μελέτης ήταν υψηλότερο επειδή σχεδόν το 90% των συμμετεχόντων αναγνώρισαν ότι προέρχονται από μια φυλετική ή εθνική ομάδα που αντιμετωπίζει ζητήματα δομικού ρατσισμού και κοινωνικούς καθοριστικούς παράγοντες που μπορούν να επιδεινώσουν την ψυχική υγεία.

Η μελέτη, που δημοσιεύτηκε στο περιοδικό BMC Pregnancy and Childbirth, πραγματοποιήθηκε στην κλινική Two-Generation της UI Health. Η κλινική, που άνοιξε το 2020, αναπτύχθηκε από την κατανόηση ότι οι νέες μητέρες, ειδικά οι έγχρωμες μητέρες με χαμηλούς πόρους που αναλαμβάνουν τη γονεϊκότητα μαζί με μια σειρά από δομικές προκλήσεις, συχνά δεν δίνουν προτεραιότητα στη δική τους φροντίδα υγείας. Ωστόσο, συχνά είναι πολύ επιμελείς στο να φέρουν τα παιδιά τους στο γιατρό, εξήγησε ο Wainwright. Η Κλινική Δύο Γενεών αξιοποιεί τις επισκέψεις των παιδιών, προσφέροντας ταυτόχρονα πρωτοβάθμια φροντίδα στις μαμάδες.

Ωστόσο, οι μπαμπάδες έμεναν συχνά εκτός αυτής της διαδικασίας. Τα μέλη της κλινικής ομάδας άρχισαν να συνομιλούν με τους μπαμπάδες για να δουν πώς τα πάνε. Ο Wainwright είπε ότι άκουγαν συχνά σχόλια όπως: «Είμαι πολύ αγχωμένος, αλλά δεν θέλω να το μάθει η σύντροφός μου γιατί είμαι εδώ για να τη στηρίξω». Αυτή η μελέτη προέκυψε από αυτές τις συνομιλίες.

Αυτές οι συνομιλίες ώθησαν επίσης ένα ευρύτερο ερευνητικό πρόγραμμα στο οποίο ο Wainwright άρχισε να μαθαίνει περισσότερα για τις εμπειρίες των μπαμπάδων, ειδικά όσον αφορά την ψυχική και σωματική τους υγεία. Ίσως οι επισκέψεις για την υγεία των μωρών να μην είναι το μόνο μέρος για να προσεγγίσετε τους μπαμπάδες, είπε, έτσι άρχισε να μιλά και με τους μελλοντικούς μπαμπάδες στην περιοχή αναμονής της μαιευτικής. Ζητάει επίσης να ελέγξει τους μπαμπάδες για καταστάσεις όπως η υψηλή αρτηριακή πίεση κατά τη διάρκεια αυτών των συνομιλιών.


Ο ιατρικός κόσμος παλεύει να συνδεθεί με νεαρούς άνδρες, οι οποίοι συχνά δεν επιθυμούν να δουν έναν γιατρό, είπε ο Wainwright, οπότε η προσέγγιση μαζί τους καθώς μπαίνουν στην πατρότητα αποτελεί μια σημαντική ευκαιρία. Στην πραγματικότητα, ορισμένοι από τους άνδρες στη μελέτη επιλόχειας κατάθλιψης που δεν είχαν γιατρό πρωτοβάθμιας περίθαλψης βλέπουν τώρα τον Wainwright για ιατρική φροντίδα και άλλοι ζήτησαν υπηρεσίες ψυχικής υγείας.

Ο πρωταρχικός στόχος αυτής της γραμμής έρευνας είναι να κατανοήσουμε καλύτερα πώς να βοηθήσουμε τους άνδρες να παραμείνουν υγιείς, έτσι ώστε οι σχέσεις και οι οικογένειές τους να είναι επίσης υγιείς, εξήγησε ο Wainwright.

«Πώς μπορούμε να τους δείξουμε ότι είναι σημαντικό να φροντίζεις τον εαυτό σου για χάρη του μωρού σου, για χάρη του συντρόφου σου και για χάρη του εαυτού σου;» τόνισε καταλήγοντας.

Πηγή:

Πώς να μιλήσετε σε έναν έφηβο και να τον κάνετε να σας μιλήσει


ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΗ ΛΑΛΟΥ
11 ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ 2024



Υπάρχουν τόσα πολλά στον κόσμο για τα οποία μπορεί να είναι δυσάρεστο να μιλάς, αλλά είναι σχεδόν πάντα χειρότερο να αφήνεις πράγματα ανείπωτα.


Εάν είστε γονιός ενός εφήβου, ξέρετε από πρώτο χέρι πόσο δύσκολο μπορεί να είναι να μιλήσετε για μερικά από τα πιο δυσάρεστα σημεία της ζωής. Ακόμη και με τις καλύτερες ερωτήσεις για τους εφήβους στη διάθεσή σας, το να καταλάβετε πώς να μιλήσετε σε έναν έφηβο για το σχολείο, τη ζωή και άλλα θέματα μπορεί να είναι πολύ δύσκολο.

Υπάρχουν τόσα πολλά στον κόσμο για τα οποία μπορεί να είναι δυσάρεστο να μιλάς, αλλά είναι σχεδόν πάντα χειρότερο να αφήνεις πράγματα ανείπωτα.

Ως μητέρα παιδιών κολεγιακής ηλικίας, γνωρίζω από πρώτο χέρι τις προκλήσεις του να σκεφτώ πώς να μιλήσω σε έναν έφηβο που δεν θέλει να μιλήσει. Αλλά με τις σωστές ερωτήσεις, είναι δυνατό να ξεκινήσετε σκληρές συζητήσεις και να μιλάτε πιο ανοιχτά με τον έφηβό σας σε τακτική βάση.
Διαφήμιση

Συμβουλές για την ανατροφή των παιδιών σε εφήβους

Αυτές τις μέρες, φαίνεται να συμβαίνουν ακόμη περισσότερα στον κόσμο με την επιρροή των social media. Για να μην αναφέρουμε τη συνήθη λίστα με άβολα θέματα: εκφοβισμός, ναρκωτικά, σεξ, πίεση από συνομηλίκους κ.λπ. κάνοντας άβολες τις συζητήσεις.
Αναφέρετε θέματα στο σωστό πλαίσιο

Αν θέλετε να συνομιλήσετε με τον έφηβό σας για κάποια πρόσφατα γεγονότα στις ειδήσεις, μια περίπτωση εκφοβισμού στο σχολείο του ή οτιδήποτε άλλο σχετικό με τη ζωή του, φροντίστε να δώσετε προσοχή στο σκηνικό.

Η ανάδειξη ενός σκληρού θέματος ακριβώς καθώς ο έφηβός σας επιστρέφει στο σπίτι από το σχολείο ή ενώ είστε στα μέσα του παντοπωλείου, μπορεί να μην είναι ο καλύτερος τρόπος δράσης. Επιλέξτε μια ώρα σε έναν ιδιωτικό, ουδέτερο χώρο για να ξεκινήσετε μια δύσκολη συζήτηση.
Ρωτήστε για τις εμπειρίες τους με περιέργεια, όχι εχθρότητα

Δώστε χρόνο και χώρο στο παιδί σας να μιλήσει για τις δικές του εμπειρίες με το θέμα που εξετάζετε. Ρωτήστε με σεβασμό, ανοιχτές ερωτήσεις σε εφήβους με περιέργεια και όχι εχθρότητα.
Διαφήμιση

Παραμείνετε ήρεμοι σε όλη τη διάρκεια της συνομιλίας σας

Παρόμοια με την αποφυγή εχθρότητας, προσπαθήστε να διατηρήσετε τον τόνο της φωνής σας και τη συμπεριφορά σας σε στοργικό επίπεδο και θερμό κλίμα για όλη τη συνομιλία. Δεν έχει σημασία αν έχετε τις καλύτερες ερωτήσεις συνομιλίας για εφήβους. Αν τους ρωτήσετε με τεταμένο ή εχθρικό τρόπο, δεν θα μάθετε τα μυστικά για το πώς να κάνετε έναν έφηβο να μιλήσει!

Το να κάνετε το παιδί σας να αισθάνεται ότι κρίνεται ή ότι είστε απογοητευμένοι μαζί του για οτιδήποτε μοιράζεται μαζί σας, μπορεί να επηρεάσει αρνητικά την πιθανότητα να σας μιλήσει ξανά για αυτά τα θέματα στο μέλλον.



Ενώ μπορεί να μάθετε πληροφορίες που σας απασχολούν ή σας αναστατώνουν, κρατήστε αυτές τις κρίσεις για τον εαυτό σας όσο κάνετε αυτές τις σκληρές συζητήσεις με τον έφηβό σας, ώστε να αισθάνεται άνετα να έρθει κοντά σας με τις προκλήσεις του.
Μοιραστείτε τις εμπειρίες σας, εάν υπάρχουν

Εάν έχετε εμπειρία από πρώτο χέρι από τη νεότητά σας που σχετίζεται με θέματα για τα οποία συζητάτε εσείς και το παιδί σας, φροντίστε να την αναφέρετε.

Τα παιδιά μας πρέπει να ακούσουν από εμάς ότι ξέρουμε πώς είναι να είσαι νέος και να αντιμετωπίζεις τις προκλήσεις της εφηβείας.
Τους ευχαριστούμε για τη διαφάνεια και την ειλικρίνειά τους

Το να κάνεις δύσκολες ερωτήσεις για τους εφήβους δεν είναι εύκολο, αλλά το να τις απαντήσεις είναι ακόμα πιο δύσκολο! Έτσι, στο τέλος της σκληρής συνομιλίας σας, βεβαιωθείτε ότι έχετε ενημερώσει τον έφηβό σας ότι είστε ευγνώμονες για τη διαφάνεια και την ειλικρίνειά του. Εάν το παιδί σας νιώθει άνετα να μοιραστεί μαζί σας τις εμπειρίες, τις ανησυχίες και τα όνειρά του, θα είναι λιγότερο πιθανό να κρύψει τα προβλήματά του από εσάς και πιο πιθανό να ζητήσει βοήθεια όταν τη χρειαστεί.

ΠΗΓΗ:

Wednesday 20 March 2024

Child geniuses may not be ahead forever



Recent research suggests that intelligence may not be as stable across the lifespan as we assume.

18 March 2024

By Emma Young


Stories of child geniuses seem to be perennially popular. One of the latest appeared at the end of January 2023, featuring a boy who taught himself to read at the age of two. By age three, he had become the UK’s youngest member of Mensa, the society for people with a high IQ.

Mensa admits people who score in the top 2 per cent on standard intelligence tests, including the well-known Stanford–Binet test. Admittance is for life — members don’t have to retake the tests to prove themselves again.

But while we often think of intelligence as being stable (in the absence of certain illnesses or injuries), a major new systematic meta-analysis of data from 205 longitudinal studies on a total of more than 87,000 people has found that it’s more variable across the lifespan than we might think.

Moritz Breit at the University of Trier and colleagues looked at studies that assessed ‘general intelligence’ (the Stanford–Binet test measures this) and/or abilities that fall within the Cattell–Horn–Carroll (CHC) model of cognitive ability. The list of CHC abilities includes decision-making speed, working memory capacity, learning efficiency (a measure of the speed and accuracy with which someone learns, stores, and consolidates new information), fluid reasoning (which is needed to solve novel problems) and ‘comprehension knowledge’ (a measure of the depth and breadth of knowledge and skills developed through experience and learning — including words and general knowledge).

Their set of studies included participants that ranged in age from 1–88 who lived across several countries (though most of the data came from those based in North America and Europe), and whose cognitive ability was re-tested anywhere from a day to 79 years after an initial assessment.

The team found that, for adults, cognitive abilities — and general intelligence, in particular — were in fact pretty stable, at least over time periods of about six years. This stability ranged from 0.65 for the ‘least’ stable abilities, which included fluid reasoning and learning efficiency, to 0.8 for general intelligence. (A stability of ‘1’ would have meant identical scores on the initial test and a subsequent assessment.)

The lower stability of the more fundamental cognitive abilities might seem surprising, but studies have found that, with age, processing power wanes more than knowledge-based abilities, and that it also varies more day-to-day. However, the team did also find that the tests of knowledge-based abilities used in these studies were more reliable than the tests of the more effortful-processing based abilities. This discrepancy could have helped to explain the differences in stability.

When it came to children, though, there were bigger differences between results on the same type of test conducted at two different time points. For children aged under four, stability didn’t reach higher than a “low” 0.7, even if the two tests were conducted less than a year apart. For 8-year-olds, a stability of 0.8 was observed, but only if the two tests were conducted within two years. For 12-year-olds, the researchers write, a test result could be assumed to have a 0.8 stability for four years (after which the results on two tests became less similar). At age 18+, a score of 0.8 could be assumed for about six years, but after this, re-testing would be recommended, they write.

There are some limitations even to this comprehensive meta-analysis, which considered a range of variables, including test reliability, when analysing the data. For example, no one study investigated the stability of cognitive abilities from early childhood to late adulthood. Instead, the team had to combine different information from different studies to arrive at the age trends.

But the study also has some clear strengths, and has raised a number of interesting findings; differences in the stability of different types of cognitive abilities, of course, but also the greater variability in test-re-test scores for children — and younger children, especially — compared with adults. The team did explore whether the nature of testing children versus adults might account for this, but this did not seem to be the explanation. Though the authors don’t delve into what exactly might explain this result, it could relate to the fact that children’s brains are developing rapidly, and potentially also reflects changes in classroom environments and learning.

Overall, though, while the common conception that intelligence is stable seems to be the case (or at least roughly the case) for healthy adults, for children it’s a different story. What this means in practice is that IQ test scores should have a good ‘shelf life’ for adults, but this is not the case for children, and especially not for children under the age of seven. So, a child who gains a Mensa-level score on an intelligence test at the age of three may potentially get a sub-Mensa — or, alternatively, even better — score at 5, 7 or 17.


SOURCE:

Thursday 14 March 2024

Why my Psychology lecture made me delete social media


Florence Plant, a second-year undergraduate at the University of Sheffield, tells her story.

07 March 2024


Psychology really can change your life. I discovered this recently, after a social psychology lecture filled me with the seemingly sudden urge to delete my social media.

The decision to do this at the age of 21 was more difficult than I’d like to admit. I belong to a generation that has grown up online, and I have been using social media platforms avidly from the age of 13. It has only been in the last few months that I have finally deleted some of the apps that had previously encompassed the majority of my free time, such as Instagram, Tiktok, Facebook and Twitter.

It was a lecture on ‘The Dark Triad’ (Paulhus & Williams, 2002) that did it. Our lecturer detailed the myth of Narcissus: the cold-hearted young man who was lured to the water to see himself, and subsequently wasted away due to his captivation with his own reflection. This myth was shocking to me: Narcissus’s youth made his decay appear all the more tragic and oxymoronic.

We went on to learn about the recent rise in narcissistic behaviour in young people, through studies such as Jean Twenge and colleagues’ (2008) meta-analysis. Their review of 85 studies found a 30 per cent increase in narcissism amongst college students from 1982 to 2006. Further studies have suggested a link between this increase and social media usage. For example, Reed et al. (2018) found a positive correlation between levels of narcissism and frequent usage of visual social media in 74 young participants.

These studies affected me. I saw a parallel between the narcissistic behaviour of young people and the youthful Narcissus’ wasted life. This social media-induced narcissistic increase was found to be particularly prevalent in young women. Another study by Twenge et al (2018), found a heightened prevalence of low mood and depressive symptoms in these subjects. Although re-analysis of Twenge’s studies by UK psychologist Amy Orben and colleagues have disputed Twenge’s claims, I related to the findings. I was a young woman enticed by the narcissistic influence of social media, in turn only amplifying other low mood symptoms of my teenage years.

Through my lectures, I was layering a research lens over my real-life experience of the allure of social media while growing up. It has only been since learning about these correlations that I have been able to understand how much social media contributed to some of my own personal struggles with self-image, and to gain some insights into how my own social media use was part of a more general psychological phenomenon.
Growing up with social media

Various studies have found visual media to play a particularly prominent role in juvenile attitude formation (Goldberg & Gorn, 1974), and this became apparent during my secondary school career. Social media dominated my own interests and those of my peers. Visual social media really shaped our choices regarding a range of subjects, such as fashion trends, hobbies and overall desirable behaviours. It seemed a fun and creative form of escapism to explore and discover our interests and emerging identities.

However, like most teenagers, I was subject to the moderators for high social modelling, as detailed by Robinson et al., (2011), such as low self-esteem and high empathy. These moderators meant that social media often had an exhausting impact, as some of these social norms seemed unattainable to me, especially at such a young age. This caused a range of negative self-attributions through the use of upwards comparisons (Wheeler, 1966), seeking out larger presences on social media that upheld unrealistic standards.

All these presences were a fertile breeding ground for early narcissistic attitudes, magnifying my low self-esteem and fuelling a need to prove my self-worth through my appearance. It is not surprising to me that girls as young as nine exposed to media influence indicate a desire to change their bodies (Schur et al., 2000).

Social media exacerbated more general problems that I was having at school. As a teenager, I inevitably had altercations with my friends and schoolmates, and social media meant that these problems always followed me home. The removed responsibility and audience inhibition (Latané & Darley, 1968) that comes with online platforms often meant that the things that were said exceeded the social or moral limits on what people felt able to say in person. This led to me spending hours and hours obsessing over messages online, wasting away my evenings in my bedroom; an image that to me is now strikingly analogous to that of Narcissus rotting away by the pool.

Social media was not an entirely negative experience, otherwise it wouldn’t have taken me until the age of 21 to delete these apps. Social media use is ubiquitous, with at least one platform used by 97 per cent of teenagers in the 2000s (Plackett, 2023). Social media was fun and addictive; it helped establish a solid group membership at school. I worried that I might lose my membership of the groups that I was in (Laursen et al., 2021) if I wasn’t on there.

However, I now view my attachment to social media in the same way that I view Narcissus’ attachment to his own image; while I knew it wasn't good for me, I just couldn’t tear myself away.
Using social media while starting university

Starting university was something of a whirlwind experience, and that journey without social media would have been incredibly difficult. Having the support of my best friends only a message away kept me sane. In order to maintain contact with the first new friends that I had somehow made in my early lectures, I needed an online platform. Social media can of course be incredibly helpful in communication and friendship building, as other studies have shown (Caplan, 2003).

However, when starting this big new stage in my life, I was naturally curious to see how my other friends who were all in similar positions were coping with the same change, as Social Comparison Theory suggests (Festinger, 1954). I found that social media users are often inclined to portray their ‘best selves’ online (Chua & Chang, 2016), which set incredibly high expectations for my own university experience. In this sense, social media added to the pressure of starting university, and made me feel as if I was the only person who wasn’t having the best week of their life during freshers.

‘The ostrich problem’ (Webb et al., 2013), could be a factor aggravating this, as it indicates that those who are not happy with their progression, tend not to monitor it. In this case, people who were finding the transition to university slightly more complicated, probably weren’t posting about it online. Consequently, my Instagram feed was teeming with people revelling in freshers and having a seamless integration into their new university lives. This made me feel more alone in my experience. I can now confidently say that I was not the only person who was not having the time of their life during the first few weeks at university! In fact, I found the first few months quite terrifying.

My goal when entering university was to fit in with new people, a new city, and also to learn to live by myself. According to a meta-analysis of 138 studies (Harkin et al., 2016), goal monitoring has proven to be a strong predictor of goal progression. For my generation, goal monitoring is often conducted publicly through the use of social media posts. These posts, depicting everyone’s fabulous experiences, acted as reference values for my goal monitoring, and also as the comparative element of reviewing my progress at Sheffield University. The act of constantly scouring for a comparative measure to assess my own progress now seems to me a miserable Narcissus-like degeneration.
Finally deleting social media

That lecture really was the catalyst for change. I had been a self- and phone-absorbed teenager, and gazing into Narcissus’ pool, reflected back at me was a truth I had denied: social media was facilitating my social comparisons, and in turn damaging my self-esteem.

My increased confidence at university has helped me to recognise these negative effects, while university itself has provided me with various psychological frameworks to explore how and why those effects shaped my teenage years. Where social modelling felt necessary to shape my younger behaviour and ideals (Bandura, 1900s), I have realised I want to live and enjoy my youth as a time to grow and explore. I don’t want to make comparisons between myself and others, whether upwards or downwards. For me at least, in the words of Theodore Roosevelt, ‘comparison is the thief of joy’.

I can’t say I feel completely free of the pull of social media. I miss seeing the Instagram posts updating me on the lives of my friends who are now spread all across the country. But it does feel liberating to regain the locus of control over my life. I won’t be doomed to the fate of Narcissus, and I have my passionate and persuasive lecturer to thank for that.
References

Bandura A. Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall; 1977.

Caplan, S. E. (2003). Preference for online social interaction: A theory of problematic Internet use and psychosocial well-being. Communication Research, 30(6), 625–648.

Chua, T. H. H., & Chang, L. (2016). Follow me and like my beautiful selfies: Singapore teenage girls’ engagement in self-presentation and peer comparison on social media. Computers in Human Behavior, 55(Part A), 190-197.

Darley, J. M., & Latané, B. (1968). Bystander intervention in emergencies: diffusion of responsibility. Journal of personality and social psychology, 8(4p1), 377.

Festinger, L. (1954). A Theory of Social Comparison Processes. Human Relations, 7(2), 117-140.

Goldberg, M. E., & Gorn, G. J. (1974). Children's reactions to television advertising: An experimental approach. Journal of Consumer Research, 1(2), 69-75.

Harkin, B., Webb, T. L., Chang, B. P., Prestwich, A., Conner, M., Kellar, I., Benn, Y., & Sheeran, P. (2016). Does monitoring goal progress promote goal attainment? A meta-analysis of the experimental evidence. Psychological bulletin, 142(2), 198–229.

Laursen, B., & Veenstra, R. (2021). Toward understanding the functions of peer influence: A summary and synthesis of recent empirical research. Journal of Research on Adolescence. Advance online publication.

Muris, P., & Otgaar, H. (2023). Self-Esteem and Self-Compassion: A Narrative Review and Meta-Analysis on Their Links to Psychological Problems and Well-Being. Psychology research and behaviour management, 16, 2961–2975.

Paulhus, D. L., & Williams, K. M. (2002). The Dark Triad of personality: Narcissism, Machiavellianism and psychopathy. Journal of Research in Personality, 36(6), 556–563.

Plackett, R., Sheringham, J., & Dykxhoorn, J. (2023). Correction: The Longitudinal Impact of Social Media Use on UK Adolescents' Mental Health: Longitudinal Observational Study. Journal of Medical Internet Research, 25, e47678.

Reed, P., Bircek, N. I., Osborne, L. A., Viganò, C., & Truzoli, R. (2018). Visual Social Media Use Moderates the Relationship between Initial Problematic Internet Use and Later Narcissism. Open Psychology Journal, 11, 163-170.

Schur, E. A., Sanders, M., & Steiner, H. (2000). Body dissatisfaction and dieting in young children. The International Journal of Eating Disorders, 27, 74–82.

Twenge, J.M., Konrath, S., Foster, J.D., Keith Campbell, W. and Bushman, B.J. (2008). Egos Inflating Over Time: A Cross-Temporal Meta-Analysis of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory. Journal of Personality, 76: 875-902.

Webb, T. L., Chang, B. P. I., & Benn, Y. (2013). 'The Ostrich Problem’: Motivated avoidance or rejection of information about goal progress. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 7(11), 794-807.

Wheeler, L. (1966). Motivation as a determinant of upward comparison. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 1(Supplement 1), 27-31.


SOURCE:

Thursday 7 March 2024

Πανελλήνια Ημέρα κατά της Σχολικής Βίας: Το παιδί που δεν γίνεται θύμα εκφοβισμού, έχει πάντα μια ζεστή αγκαλιά όταν επιστρέφει στο σπίτι


THE MAMAGERS TEAM06 ΜΑΡΤΙΟΥ, 2024

×
Ο σχολικός εκφοβισμός και η βία ανάμεσα στους νέους είναι ένα φαινόμενο που αυξάνεται καθημερινά και προβληματίζει αρκετούς γονείς και εκπαιδευτικούς. Το bullying είναι δύσκολο, ειδικά όταν γίνεται από παιδιά σε παιδιά.

Οι θύτες είναι κι αυτοί παιδιά και μάλιστα παιδιά που τα έχουν απογοητεύσει οι μεγάλοι. Παιδιά που δεν ένιωσαν αγάπη, που χρειάζονται αγάπη. Τα παιδιά που εκφοβίζουν έχουν χαμηλή αυτοεκτίμηση, συνήθως προέρχονται από ένα δυσλειτουργικό οικογενειακό περιβάλλον, παρουσιάζουν επιθετικότητα, έχουν ανάγκη από προσοχή ενώ δεν έχουν ενσυναίσθηση και συναισθηματική ωριμότητα.

Αντίθετα, τα παιδιά που γίνονται στόχοι συνήθως έχουν υπερπροστατευτικούς γονείς. Μισούν τη βία, παρουσιάζουν μεγάλη υπευθυνότητα, εσωστρέφεια, ευαλωτότητα και πιθανόν και χαμηλή αυτοεκτίμηση.

Σήμερα ο εκφοβισμός δεν σταματάει στο σχολείο. Κάποτε τα παιδιά έφευγαν από το προαύλιο και ήταν προστατευμένα όταν επέστρεφαν στο σπίτι τους. Δεν είχαν κινητά και τάμπλετ για να κρατούν επαφή με τους συνομήλικούς τους. Πλέον, ακόμα και στο σπιτι μπορεί να δεχθούν διαδικτυακό bullying… ο εκφοβισμός τους ακολουθεί παντού όσο έχουν πάνω τους ένα κινητό με πρόσβαση σε social media και μηνύματα.




Πώς μπορούμε οι γονείς να προστατεύσουμε τα παιδιά μας; Τα παιδιά που δεν γίνονται θύματα, έχουν πάντα μια ζεστή αγκαλιά όταν επιστρέφουν σπίτι. Νιώθουν ασφάλεια, ξέρουν ότι οι γονείς τους δεν θα επιτρέψουν να τους συμβεί τίποτα κακό. Γνωρίζουν ότι μπορούν να τους εμπιστευθούν τα πάντα. Συζητάνε μαζί τους και λύνουν μαζί τα προβλήματά τους. Ακόμα κι αν κάποιος τους εκφοβίσει, δεν θα επιτρέψουν στον εαυτό τους να γίνουν θύματα. Γιατί έχουν τη σιγουριά και την αυτοπεποίθηση ότι μαζί με τους γονείς τους θα το αντιμετωπίσουν.


Αν ένα παιδί επιστρέψει σπίτι και μπορεί να πει στους γονείς του “με κορόιδεψαν σήμερα” τότε ο γονιός θα μπορέσει να απαλύνει τον πόνο. Θα μπορέσει να βρει τρόπους να το διαχειριστούν μαζί. Και κυρίως, το παιδί θα μπορέσει να νιώσει πως ό,τι κι αν συμβεί, όσο σκληρός κι αν είναι ο κόσμος, όσο σκληρά κι αν είναι κάποια λόγια, στο σπίτι έχει αγάπη και ασφάλεια.


ΠΗΓΗ:

Updates on long Covid and the brain


Let's explore the recent flurry of research revealing Covid's impacts on the brain and cognition.

05 March 2024

By Emma Barratt


Current research estimates that 1 in 10 Covid cases result in long Covid, a constellation of often debilitating symptoms that develop four to twelve weeks following initial infection.

According to figures released by the Office of National Statistics, the condition now affects the daily lives and functioning of millions of people in the UK. And, with SARS-CoV-2 (the virus which causes Covid) still widely circulating, the risk of developing long Covid is ongoing, and increases with each infection.

As a widely stigmatised condition, often assumed by clinicians and the general public to be psychological, it’s important for us as psychologists to understand and share new developments, digest what they mean for those with long Covid, and integrate these understandings into our field. In that spirit, let’s take a look at some recent brain-related long Covid findings.
What is long Covid?

Long Covid is a multisystemic post-acute infection syndrome. Its symptoms can manifest in many organs and bodily systems, and often follow a relapsing and remitting pattern. Common symptoms include fatigue, post-exertional malaise (PEM), orthostatic intolerance, brain fog, and more; however, not everyone with long Covid will have the same symptoms, and several subtypes with potentially different mechanisms (several of which appear to have neural involvement) seem to exist.

Symptoms often leave those with the condition unable or severely limited in their ability to carry out daily activities. At their most severe, they can significantly limit tolerance for sensory input (see Figure 6 here), leaving those at the severe end of the spectrum with no option but to lay in silent, dark rooms, with no social or physical interaction until symptoms allow. Though many recover, given time and rest, in many cases such respite does not materialise. The psychological impact of such symptoms is self-evident.

Biomedical researchers have identified issues within several bodily systems which appear to contribute to long Covid’s symptoms: overexpression of WASF3 in mitochondria, which limits energy production; amyloid build-up and microclots in skeletal muscles, affecting oxygenation of tissues; and hormone-mediated sex differences (pre-print) in symptom presentation and immune profiles, to name just a few of the more prominent recent findings.

Recently, several findings relating to the brain have joined this growing list, offering insight into symptoms of cognitive and neural dysfunction often seen in the condition.
A leaky blood-brain barrier

On February 22nd, Nature Neuroscience published a paper by Chris Greene and colleagues at Trinity College Dublin identifying that the blood-brain barrier (BBB) is dysfunctional in those with long Covid brain fog.

The BBB is a semi-permeable membrane that allows water, gases, and nutrients to pass into the brain from the blood while acting as a barrier to toxins. Using dynamic contrast-enhanced MRI brain scans, the team were able to see that in patients experiencing brain fog, the BBB was particularly permeable, with evidence of disruption up to one year after initial Covid infection. Multiple brain regions were affected, including the temporal lobes and frontal cortex.

Blood analyses also uncovered irregularities in blood coagulation and dampened immune responses in this population, further details of which can be found in this accessibly written article. Taken as a whole, the results of this study suggested that ongoing inflammation and a dysfunctional BBB are key factors associated with long Covid brain fog.

Further studies will be needed to see how these factors affect patients over time, but the authors do note that their findings may point towards a potential therapeutic approach. In their words, “targeted regulation of BBB integrity could now potentially be considered for the treatment of patients with brain fog associated with long Covid.”
Ongoing injury

Late last year, a study by Professor Benedict Michael of the University of Liverpool and colleagues found signs of ongoing brain injury in long Covid patients with neurological symptoms.

The team looked for blood-based biomarkers of brain injury in their the participants, all of whom had previously been hospitalised due to Covid. In those with ongoing neurological symptoms beyond 6 weeks after initial infection, levels of NfL and GFAP were notably high, indicating ongoing injury.

The authors postulate that these markers of neuroglial injury may be related to a dysregulated immune response elsewhere in the body, though the exact chain of events leading to this has yet to be fully defined.

Cognitive deficits were seen in all patients, both in acute and post-acute phases of illness, and it is as of yet unclear if this decline is permanent. For an accessible write-up on this research, be sure to check out this article by Sara Novak.
Cognition and memory deficits

Research by Hampshire et al., published February 29th in the New England Journal of Medicine, presented a rounded look at cognition and memory in those with long Covid.

This study utilised eight online cognitive tasks from the Cognitron platform, probing previous participants’ of the REACT study’s capabilities in various memory tasks, mental rotation, verbal reasoning and more, two years after their initial contributions.

The resulting data, collected from around 130,000 England-based participants, indicated a decline in executive functioning and memory equivalent to roughly 6 IQ points in those who had developed long Covid symptoms since their initial REACT participation. For those admitted to intensive care for their Covid infection, the authors state that the drop was equivalent to around 9 IQ points.

Analyses also identified a downwards shift in cognitive abilities in those who recovered fully after their initial Covid infection. The authors state that the drop observed in recovered participants was equivalent to approximately 3 IQ points.

The largest deficits were seen in domains of memory, reasoning, and executive function, however these symptoms correlated only weakly with reports of recent symptoms, including poor memory and brain fog. Those who had been hospitalised, as well as those infected earlier in the pandemic, showed larger deficits than those who were infected when later SARS-CoV-2 variants were dominant. You can find an accessible write-up of this study and further input from the authors in this piece from Hannah Devlin.
The latest chapter for post-acute infection syndromes

Long Covid appears to share many physical traits with myalgic encephalomyelitis (MECFS, hereafter ME, also known as ‘Chronic Fatigue Syndrome’); for example, similar patterns of dysautonomia (dysfunction in the autonomic nervous system) are seen in both conditions. Some researchers suspect that both these, and potentially other post-acute infection syndromes, may share common physical mechanisms.

Like those with ME and other post-acute infection syndromes before them, people with long Covid often face significant barriers to accessing healthcare. Stigma and disbelief related to these conditions, as well as the complexity of their presentation, has been shown (in the following preprint) to leave patients with considerable self-doubt, “question[ing] their deservedness of seeking healthcare support for their symptoms.”

This same study found that these factors also led UK-based would-be patients to avoid treatment, for fear of overburdening the healthcare system. Added to the toll of this sudden, often new-onset disability, it becomes easy to imagine the mental health struggles that may arise for many.

Post-acute infection syndromes have historically been a “significant blind spot” for medical research. However, with the pressing issue of long Covid upon us, the medical community is now turning its attention to finding mechanisms, treatments, and (perhaps one day) a cure.

Specialist readers interested in learning more about what is now known about the physical alterations in long Covid and ME may find the recent NIH MECFS Roadmap webinars helpful.

SOURCE:

Monday 4 March 2024

Runners, high: Could cannabis before exercise encourage fitness?



New research explores the pros and cons of mixing weed and workouts.

01 March 2024

By Emma Young


Cannabis is generally associated with sedation and relaxation. In recent years, however, amateur and even professional athletes have been advocating for its use while exercising, write the authors of a recent paper in Sports Medicine. Given this — and increasing acceptance of its usage around the globe — there’s an urgent need to properly investigate the impacts of cannabis on exercise, according to Laurel P Gibson at the University of Colorado Boulder, and colleagues.

In their paper, the team describes the first study to explore the effects of commercially available cannabis products (i.e. with concentrations of active ingredients that are generally available to consumers) on how people felt about exercise in a lab environment. The nature of the research meant that the study had various limitations, but the results suggest that cannabis may indeed make work-outs more enjoyable some ways — though was also a drawback: the drug made exercise feel more effortful.

The team studied 42 physically fit adults, all of whom exercised regularly and had previously used cannabis while running or jogging, with no negative effects. On two separate visits, each participants ran for 30 minutes on a treadmill; once without cannabis, and once after having used either 1 gram of a product that mostly contained THC (the main psychoactive ingredient of cannabis) or 1 gram of a CBD-based product (which mostly contained cannabidiol, with very little THC).

The participants bought these doses from a local dispensary and were told to consume the product as they typically would (in a joint or pipe, for example) until they reached their own desired high. For legal reasons, the participants had to do this at home, with the team immediately taking a blood sample from them and droving them to the lab for the treadmill challenge. On average, the delay between using the cannabis and starting the exercise was only about half an hour.

The researchers used results from earlier treadmill sessions to set individualised speeds and inclines, so that all the participants were exercising at about the same moderate-to-vigorous intensity. While they were jogging, they answered questions about their perceptions of the exercise.

The team’s analysis of the responses led them to some key insights. Firstly, cannabis made the exercise feel more enjoyable and put the participants in a better mood, especially in the CBD group. Both groups also reported feeling more of a ‘runner’s high’ after using cannabis.

However, cannabis (and particularly the THC product) also made them feel that they were working harder. This might have been because THC raises heart-rate, and earlier work has found that a faster heart rate during exercise makes people feel that they are exerting themselves more.

The researchers acknowledge that the study has a number of potentially important limitations. The participants were far from representative of the general population, so the results may not generalise more broadly. Also, because they knew when they had used cannabis, how they felt while on the treadmill could have been affected by how they expected to feel. Even so, the team argues, this new work “marks an important first step in a nascent field.”

Other research has found that cannabis — and the ingredient THC, especially — can affect psychomotor skills, and lead to feelings of paranoia, anxiety, and tiredness, at least for some users. But if further work confirms that cannabis can make workouts feel more fun and shows that it can be safe for most people to use while exercising, the drug might potentially help people to get off the couch. Angela Bryan, one of the study’s US-based authors, commented in a statement, “We have an epidemic of sedentary lifestyle in this country and we need new tools to try to get people to move their bodies in ways that are enjoyable. If cannabis is one of those tools, we need to explore it, keeping in mind both the harms and the benefits.”

SOURCE:


Thursday 29 February 2024

The good, bad and ugly of sport and exercise psychology



Lloyd Emeka (PhD Student, St Mary’s University) with a review of the British Psychological Society’s Division of Sport and Exercise Annual Conference.

05 February 2024


It’s a cold late November morning in Edinburgh. There is a distinct chill in the air whilst walking to the conference venue, soon replaced with the warmth of seeing colleagues and friends. We share our sense of excitement for the next two days, talks that we plan to attend and discuss our thoughts about the conference theme ‘The good, the bad and the ugly: reflection and learnings from applied practice and academia’.

As delegates entered the main session room and looked forward to hearing from the first keynote speaker, we were reminded of the key conference values (insight, honesty, integrity, celebration, openness, and collaboration) which helped to set the tone for the two days ahead.

There were in the region of 50 oral presentations, five keynote speakers, several workshops, symposiums, and 26 poster presentations. The purpose of this review is to outline key highlights from the sessions that I attended, with a structure in keeping with the conference theme…
The good
Reframing success within sport

Success within sport has typically been viewed through the lens of performance and winning medals at elite level. In recent times, there has started to be a shift in how success is defined with less emphasis on binary concepts (i.e. win-loss) and the significance of context which can shape athletes’ experiences and perceptions of success. This was a key element of Dr Cath Bishop’s presentation which led to some further reflections. How can Sport Psychologists and Coaches support athletes (at all levels) in their framing of success, and challenge pervasive narratives where medalists are lauded more frequently in comparison to non-medalists? Whilst some progress is being made with changing the narrative, there is still a long way to go.
Initiating culture change within and across systems

In recent years, Sport Psychologists are increasingly helping to create culture change within organisations, and this was a recurrent theme that emerged across various presentations at the conference. Although 1:1 consultation with athletes remains the ‘bread and butter’ of applied practice, hearing examples of culture change work being undertaken by Sport Psychologists was a good reminder of how the profession is continuing to evolve and the various complexities that arise when operating at a systems level.
Developing awareness and knowledge of the motherhood journey in elite sport

During day two of the conference, there was an excellent symposium ‘Movement, mind, and motherhood: The role of Sport Psychology in the maternity journey’ which illustrated female athletes’ experiences during different stages of pregnancy and post-partum. It was insightful to hear about the work that was being undertaken by Sport Psychologists to support women during their pregnancy and post-partum to continue with physical activity. Some of the challenges within the elite sport environment (i.e. lack of gender-specific policies) were also discussed which demonstrated that there is still significant progress required to create an optimal environment for elite female athletes. As a male person, I learnt a lot from the symposium, and it helped to improve my understanding of sport through the lens of motherhood. On a slightly separate note, there was very limited male attendance at the symposium – disappointing, as this subject area should be of importance to everyone.
The future of Applied Exercise Psychology

The keynote talk by Dr Paula Watson and Dr Lynne Johnston raised some excellent points about the future of Applied Exercise Psychology that warrants further debate and discussion:The number of applied exercise psychologists is growing but still very low (in comparison to sport psychologists).
Most exercise psychology trainees are being supervised by people who have never worked in exercise psychology.
Could we have a future where exercise psychologists are employed by the NHS?
The need for more practice-based evidence in exercise psychology.
Exercise psychologists should go through therapy as part of their training and throughout their careers.

I came away from the talk with some key reflections (1) Exercise psychology has an important role to play within society but there is a need to continue educating people about the role and exercise psychology/ists – what it is and what it isn’t. (2) I would argue that Sport Psychologists should also have to go through therapy as a mandatory part of their training as this would help to equip them with vital skills for applied practice work. (3) It was enlightening and concerning that most exercise psychology supervisees have not worked in exercise psychology before – how can we reverse this trend in future? (4) There is a need and opportunity for Exercise Psychologists to work with specialists from a broad range of disciplines to further develop the field from a research and practice perspective. Progress won’t be achieved through working in silos.
Aligning personal and professional identity within applied practice

Another highlight was the ‘navigating critical moments in practice’ workshop by Dr Jo Batey and Sarah Murray. They discussed some of the challenges that can arise from misaligned identities within applied practice. This was framed within the context of the individuation process whereby feeling individuated means experiencing a unity between personal & professional selves and the working environment and being able to work in authentic and congruent ways.

The concept of critical moments was introduced, referring to when your values as a practitioner are being challenged within the system you are operating in. Whilst this could be construed negatively, it presented an opportunity for the speakers to develop self-awareness in understanding their values and where/when they are prepared to adopt some compromise.

It was beneficial to hear experienced practitioners candidly share some of the critical moments they have faced during their career, the challenges and how they have managed them thus far. The speakers illustrated that critical moments can arise at any stage of your career, and it is vitally important to have a peer support group/mentor/ally that you can turn to for support and advice.
The enthusiasm and engagement of delegates at the conference

Whilst not specifically related to any of the subject areas covered during the conference, it is worth mentioning that seeing delegates embrace the conference values, providing support and genuine appreciation to the presenters was a positive aspect of the conference. The friendly atmosphere and community spirit helped to create a sense of belonging.
The bad
Pervasive scepticisms about Sport Psychology/ists

Drew Wallace shared some experiences of working in team sport and a key lesson was that some players and coaches are still sceptical about Sport Psychology. Although this issue has existed for several years, it was disappointing to hear that there is still more work to be done in this area. Considering this point from a wider lens, we have continued to witness examples of organisations recruiting Sport Psychologists for no or low pay. Does this problem stem partly from scepticism about the value of Sport Psychology and how can we work collectively to address this problem? There is some work being done already within the profession to tackle this problem, but it remains a big challenge nonetheless.
Determining how the success of a Sport Psychologist is measured

Dr Alex Oliver shared some of his reflections on the challenges faced from a student-centred pedagogical approach to an athlete-centred practitioner approach. One of the final points in his talk was about the measurement of success against KPI’s in an academy football environment. The short-term focus of delivery against KPI’s can be incongruent with the nature of Sport Psychology work where change might occur over a longer period of time. Finding the balance between short-, medium- and long-term measures of success within a role can be challenging and particularly the case for trainees/early career practitioners. This is an area where supervisors and mentors can provide support with how to approach conversations about setting goals and measures of success within the workplace.
The ugly
Psychologically unsafe dance environments

Dr Grace Tidmarsh discussed some of the factors that contribute to psychologically unsafe dance environments (i.e., emotional abuse, demand for perfectionism, power imbalance). In parallel, there has also been a high prevalence of mental illness amongst dancers which Is partly due to precarity, limited availability and high competition for work in dance environments.

Whilst listening to the presentation, it struck me that some of the themes were similar to various sports, and an over-arching message was the need for culture change. Sport Psychologists can have an important role with providing support to dancers and creating culture change.

I had a fantastic two days at the DSEP annual conference and felt inspired from the sessions that I was able to attend. As I embarked on my journey back to London, I considered myself as fortunate to be a part of the DSEP community. For anyone who is considering attending the DSEP conference for the first time, I would highly recommend registering for the next conference later this year.



SOURCE: