Tuesday, 29 April 2025

Humans aren’t the only ones whose social circles shrink in old age



New comparative studies illustrate similar social dynamics elsewhere in the animal kingdom.

24 March 2025

By Emma Young


Previous research has shown that some other species — not just people — see their social networks shrink as they move into old age. Exactly why this should be has not been clear; we have some understanding of why it happens in humans, and what can be done to mitigate any negative effects, but why exactly it happens beyond our species has so far been a mystery. New research, however, poses a novel suggestion.

As Erin R Siracusa at the University of Exeter's School of Psychology and colleagues write in their recent paper in Philosophical Transactions B, though the benefits of social living are well established, "sociality also comes with costs, including infectious disease risks." The team reasoned that with increasing age, and a less effective immune system, the risks of spending time with lots of people might start to outweigh the benefits — and this could drive changes in behaviour.

To explore this idea, they first analysed data gathered on a well-studied population of rhesus macaques on Cayo Santiago, nicknamed 'Monkey Island', off the southeast coast of Puerto Rico. These monkeys were first brought to Cayo Santiago in 1938 from India, and there are now about 1800 individuals living in 12 social groups. They are looked after by the Caribbean Primate Research Center, which keeps daily tabs on them, and collects data on births, deaths, and group memberships.

The team focused on data from 2010 and 2022 on adult females from six social groups. By looking at the total amount of time these animals spent grooming or being groomed by another macaque and their total number of grooming partners, they plotted these individuals' social connections over time.

Then, they modelled the spread of a hypothetical respiratory virus through these social networks. This model took into account that older animals are more at risk of developing an infection; that they are likely to stay sick for longer than younger monkeys; and that they are likely to fall more seriously ill.

The team found that older macaques were, in fact, likely to suffer less from infectious disease — and this was mostly because they had smaller social networks.

"Our findings suggest a powerful reason why many animals, including humans, might reduce their social connections as they age," commented Siracusa, in a press release.

However, for some animals, at least, this may not be even an unconscious choice. In another recent paper, Julia Schroeder at Imperial College London and colleagues report the first evidence that with age, birds become less socially connected, too. This finding came from their analysis of six years' worth of social interaction data on a population of wild sparrows living on Lundy Island, in Devon, UK. Schroder and her colleagues found that as the birds got older, they interacted less overall with other birds, and they also interacted with fewer other individuals.

However, the team don't suggest that this might have reflected a drive to reduce infection risks. They think it could have happened because as older birds' 'friends' died off, their social network shrank. And, they add, while birds are capable of making new friends (or 'associates', as the researchers call them), with age, the costs of maintaining and making new connections might become greater, because they have to compete for associates with younger birds. More work is needed though, to explore this theory. "To fully understand the effects of demography on sociality, we need to better understand the changing costs and benefits across ages of maintaining and making new connections," Schroder and her colleagues write.

With more research, we should also get a better handle on all the reasons — and the potential pros, as well as the cons — for why older birds, monkeys, humans, as well as some other species, tend to have smaller social circles than they did when they were younger.

Read the first paper (preprint) here:
Siracusa, E. R., Pavez-Fox, M. A., Negron-Del Valle, J. E., Phillips, D., Platt, M. L., Snyder-Mackler, N., Higham, J. P., Brent, L. J. N., & Silk, M. J. (2024). Social ageing can protect against infectious disease in a group-living primate. BioRxiv : The Preprint Server for Biology, 2024.03.09.584237. https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.03.09.584237

Read the second paper here:
Schroeder, J., Dunning, J., Hoi, A., Janet, Y., & Burke, T. (2024). Not so social in old age: demography as one driver of decreasing sociality. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B Biological Sciences, 379(1916). https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2022.0458


SOURCE:

Tuesday, 22 April 2025

Five new rules of first impressions




Emma Young digests the research.

07 February 2025

By Emma Young




First impressions have long been a mainstay of psychological research. In the past, much of the focus has been on how particular facial features influence our perceptions of how dominant others are, for example, or how trustworthy they appear to be.



But, as they tend to do, researchers are now digging deeper, exploring everything from which of our initial judgements are actually right to whether being snap-judged accurately is necessarily a good thing. To explore some of these new insights, we present our guide to five new rules of first impressions:
1. Facial first impressions are often wrong

In any given study, participants tend to rate the same faces as being more or less trustworthy, or dominant, or pleasant. This consistency might seem to suggest that we really are picking up on something about another person's personality from their face. Not so, according to work from Princeton University's Alexander Todorov and colleagues.

In work published in Nature Human Behaviour, they reveal that we tend to prefer faces that are closest to our own conception of what a typical face looks like. Not only that, but we feel more positively about people with such faces. So, though your face-based snap judgment might match a friend's, you're both likely to have gotten the wrong first impression.
2. 'Like yourself, and others will follow'

So reads the title of a 2024 paper which found that an individual's level of self-esteem affected other people's first impressions of their personalities. Lauren Gazzard Kerr and Lauren Human studied two groups: 378 strangers who took part in a speed-dating event, and just over 300 people who participated in platonic getting-to-know-you sessions.

All of these participants first completed general personality questionnaires and a measure of their self-esteem. Then, after each meeting, they reported on how much they liked - or were romantically interested in - the other person, and rated what they perceived their personality to be.



In the speed-dating group, the team found that the personalities of those with higher self-esteem were judged more accurately, though this didn't affect how much others liked them. However, when people accurately perceived the personality of someone with low self-esteem, whether in a romantic or platonic setting, they liked them less. In the platonic group, people perceived those with higher self-esteem more accurately and liked them more.

Though it may sound harsh, this work suggests that for people with low self-esteem, being perceived accurately in a romantic context might be unhelpful – assuming that their goal is to be liked. For these people, accurate first impressions may, as the researchers put it, 'reveal too much, too soon'.
3. Unhappier people are harder to read

In their drive to explore what it is that makes some people open books, while others are harder to read, Lauren Gazzard Kerr and Lauren Human explored whether differences in wellbeing might matter, too. This experiment involved a speed-dating study in which 372 participants took part in a total of more than 4,700 individual dates. All had first completed a personality questionnaire and reported on their general wellbeing.

After each meeting, they rated their partner's personality. The researchers found that, overall, the speed-daters' first impressions of each other's personalities weren't very accurate. That said, some individuals were consistently judged more accurately – those with higher self-reported wellbeing scores. Overall, these people were easier to read, the team concluded, with less happy people being trickier to judge – though further work will have to explore exactly why this might be.


4. We're bad at knowing if we've made a good first impression

One of the most uplifting findings in the field of first impressions comes from well-publicised studies of both adults and children, which concluded that after a first meeting, other people tend to like us more than we think. A 2024 paper from Eva Bleckmann at the University of Hamburg and colleagues, though, set out to find why some people are more likely than others to expect to be liked – and to explore how these perceptions of being liked (or not) change during the course of a first meeting.



The team studied almost 300 adolescents, all of whom completed personality questionnaires before talking to each other for the first time. During these 60 to 90-minute meetings, they repeatedly rated how much they thought the others liked them. Before the meeting started, those who scored higher in extraversion and self-esteem and lower in neuroticism were most confident that they would be liked.

These three factors had the same influence on their perceptions of their like-ability at the end of the first phase of the meeting, during which they introduced themselves, From this point on, though, personality characteristics stopped playing a role. Instead, other factors – presumably, the responses of the other kids – had a bigger impact on changes in these perceptions.




5. First impressions online aren't necessarily any worse



These days, most of us are familiar with meeting people for the first time in a video call, rather than in person. Given that these meetings are often business-related, researchers have been very curious about how such online settings might affect first impressions, and so potentially affect workplace collaborations or even success in job interviews.



Work published in 2023 by a Durham University team led by Abi Cook found that what our background looks like matters. Ratings collected during a series of Zoom meetings revealed people who had plants or a bookcase in the background were rated as being more trustworthy and more competent than people with a living room or a 'comedic' background.

This study also found that women participating in video calls were consistently viewed as being more trustworthy and competent than men, regardless of their background – and, for men and women, smiling boosted these ratings.



One common concern about online meetings is, though, that it can seem harder to judge a person's personality via a screen. However, this concern was not supported by the findings of a 2024 study led by Marie-Catherine Mignault at Cornell University. In this work, the team found that overall, participants were able to perceive each other's unique personality just as well on Zoom as in person – and that they liked each other just as well.





Overall, the breadth of this research certainly shows that the field of first impressions is still going strong. And as researchers dig deeper, new questions are emerging. These might be five new rules of first impressions – but they certainly won't be the last.

SOURCE:

O ρόλος του νονού: Σημασία δεν έχουν τα δώρα, αλλά η επικοινωνία




Ο ρόλος του νονού δεν είναι και ο ευκολότερος στον κόσμο. Ή μάλλον δεν είναι ο ίδιος για όλους τους ανθρώπους.

ΓΡΑΦΕΙ: The Mamagers Team - 16 ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ, 2025





Είναι ίσως από τα πρώτα πράγματα που σκέφτεσαι όταν γεννάς. Συχνά το έχεις ήδη κουβεντιάσει (με τους υποψηφίους) όταν το μωρό είναι ακόμη μέσα στην κοιλιά. Για να έχεις το κεφάλι σου ήσυχο.

Ο ρόλος του νονού δεν είναι και ο ευκολότερος στον κόσμο. Ή μάλλον δεν είναι ο ίδιος για όλους τους ανθρώπους.


Άλλοι το έχουν κάνει κάτι σαν επάγγελμα και άλλοι έχουν αποφασίσει να δεσμευθούν για μία μόνο φορά προκειμένου να είναι όσο συνεπείς θα ήθελαν.

Το χειρότερο είναι όταν κάποιος με τον οποίο δεν έχεις και τις καλύτερες σχέσεις σού προτείνει να βαφτίσει το παιδί σου ή να "βάλεις" λάδι εσύ στο δικό του, χωρίς όμως να είναι αμοιβαίο το στοιχείο της εκτίμησης.


Μιλάμε για σχέση ζωής, όχι για μια τελετουργία που γίνεται για μία φορά μέσα στην εκκλησία, με λίγους ή περισσότερους μάρτυρες και τελειώνει η ιστορία. Όχι, όχι. Η ιστορία έχει μόλις αρχίσει.

Ο άνθρωπος ή οι άνθρωποι που αναλαμβάνουν να γίνουν νονοί ενός παιδιού θεωρούνται πνευματικοί γονείς του από τη στιγμή που γεννιέται.

Πρόκειται για σχέση στοργής, που απαιτεί δουλειά απ' όλες τις πλευρές.

Το πρόβλημα είναι ότι η συγκεκριμένη ιστορία δεν έχει πάντα αίσιο τέλος.
Ας δούμε πρώτα την πλευρά των γονιών.

Τι ζητούν οι γονείς από τον νονό. Καταρχάς να έχει επαφή με το παιδί. Να μην το δει για πρώτη και τελευταία φορά στο μυστήριο. Να παρέχει τα απαραίτητα την ημέρα της βάφτισης. Να θυμάται πότε γιορτάζει και πότε έχει γενέθλια. Να έχει ουσιαστική επικοινωνία μαζί του, σε όλα τα στάδια της ηλικίας του. Να μη θεωρεί ότι με ένα δώρο τα Χριστούγεννα και μια λαμπάδα κι ένα σοκολατένιο αυγό ή ένα ζευγάρι παπούτσια το Πάσχα έχει ολοκληρώσει τις υποχρεώσεις του.
Νονοί για κλάματα

Είναι λίγες οι φορές - δυστυχώς - που ο ρόλος του νονού ή της νονάς γίνεται όπως θα έπρεπε, έτσι ώστε και το παιδί να μπορεί να βασιστεί και σε κάποιον τρίτο, σε κάποιον που θεωρεί δικό του άνθρωπο, όταν η μαμά ή ο μπαμπάς δεν μπορούν να το καταλάβουν. Έχουμε δει να χαλούν κουμπαριές επειδή τσακώθηκαν οι ενήλικες. Να ξηλώνονται φωτογραφικά άλμπουμ και να γίνεται φωτομοντάζ για να πιστεύει το παιδάκι ότι ο νονός του είναι κάποιος άλλος τελικά. Να έχει προγραμματιστεί να γίνει βάφτιση σε νησί και να τσακώνεται η μητέρα με τη μέλλουσα νονά και να βρίσκεται τελικά στην κολυμπήθρα η επιλογή της τελευταίας στιγμής.

Έχουμε ακούσει για νονούς που δεν ξανασυνάντησαν τα βαφτιστήρια τους και τους γονείς τους.
Ποιους εξαιρούμε;

Τους νονούς - θείους, μαζί και τις νονές - θείες. Όσους βλέπουν ακόμη τα βαφτιστήρια τους κι ας έχουν ασπρίσει τα μαλλιά και των δύο. Όσους δεν αγοράζουν σταυρό επειδή προσβλέπουν σε μια οικονομική συμφωνία. Τις νονές που πιστεύουν στις καλές νεράιδες του παραμυθιού, όπως τις τρεις στρουμπουλές κυρίες στην "Ωραία κοιμωμένη" και τώρα πιστεύουν στην καλή "ντεϊντέι" και τα βαφτιστήρια τους. Είναι η νονά τους.
Πάντα άξιος! Δύσκολη η ανταπόκριση

Ακόμα κι ένας νονός μπορεί να έχει τα παράπονά του. Να έχει "μετανιώσει" για την επιλογή του ή να μην ήταν έτοιμος για μια τέτοια ευθύνη. Να μην έχει παιδιά, αλλά ούτε και τη διάθεση να μάθει πώς είναι να φροντίζεις και να νοιάζεσαι για ένα μικρό ή μεγάλο παιδί. Να μη θέλει να ξοδεύει μια περιουσία για τα πανάκριβα ρούχα που μπορεί ν'απαιτεί, με διακριτικό τρόπο, η μαμά για το τέκνο της. Ή ν'αγοράσει το - εκτός προϋπολογισμού - ηλεκτρονικό παιχνίδι που ζητάει επίμονα ο 12χρονος Φίλιππος επειδή βαρέθηκε να παίζει με την επαγγελματική κιθάρα που του έκανε δώρο ο νονός τα Χριστούγεννα.

Σίγουρα είναι μεγάλο το βάρος να ξέρεις ότι στην περίπτωση που πάθει κάτι ο γονιός, αναλαμβάνεις εσύ ως πνευματικός πατέρας. Δεν θα έπρεπε να υπάρχουν μόνο καθήκοντα και ευθύνες στον ρόλο του νονού. Είναι βασικό να είναι ένας άνθρωπος που αγαπάει τα παιδιά, γι' αυτό και δεν κάνει τίποτα καταναγκαστικά. Εκείνος που απλώς πάντρεψε το ζευγάρι και νιώθει την υποχρέωση να βαφτίσει και το πρώτο τους παιδί μπορεί να μην είναι τελικά και ο καταλληλότερος.
Ο "σωστός" νονός θα πρέπει να είναι στο πλάι του παιδιού όσο μεγαλώνει και σε κάθε σημαντική στιγμή γι' αυτό.

Να είναι ο καλύτερος και πιο έμπιστος φίλος του. Ο ανάδοχος θα πρέπει να ξέρει τι πρέπει να κάνει χωρίς να του το έχει υποδείξει κανείς. Οι κοινωνικοπολιτικοί λόγοι δεν αφορούν κανένα. Ούτε οι οικονομικές συναλλαγές. Σημασία δεν έχουν τα δώρα, αλλά η επικοινωνία. Τα ρούχα δεν ενδιαφέρουν κανένα παιδί και ένα παιχνίδι είναι σίγουρα προτιμότερο. Καλύτερα ακόμη, μια βόλτα ή μια εκδρομή μαζί, πολύ απλά γιατί θα χαροποιήσει στ' αλήθεια τον άμεσα ενδιαφερόμενο.

Πάντα άξιοι; Όχι απαραίτητα. Δικαιολογίες δεν υπάρχουν. Τουλάχιστον όχι για τα παιδιά, που δεν θέλουν να ακούν λόγια του αέρα. Νονός δεν γίνεσαι με το ζόρι. Αν πεις το "ναι", δεν υπάρχει επιστροφή.

Πείτε καλύτερα "απεταξάμην". Πριν από την εκκλησία.

Γράφει η Σάντυ Τσαντάκη

ΠΗΓΗ:

Sunday, 13 April 2025

Όταν γεννιέται ένα μωρό στην Ελβετία: Μια τρυφερή παράδοση


Οι πινακίδες που ανακοινώνουν τη γέννηση και δείχνουν τη ζεστασιά μιας κοινότητας

ΓΡΑΦΕΙ: Μαριλένα Τσιρέκη - 24 ΜΑΡΤΙΟΥ, 2025

Οι πινακίδες που ανακοινώνουν τη γέννηση και δείχνουν τη ζεστασιά μιας κοινότητας

Όταν ένα μωρό έρχεται στον κόσμο, η χαρά είναι απερίγραπτη. Κάθε χώρα έχει τα δικά της έθιμα για να γιορτάσει αυτή τη μοναδική στιγμή, αλλά κάποια από αυτά ξεχωρίζουν για την τρυφερότητα και την κοινωνική τους σημασία. Ένα τέτοιο παράδειγμα συναντάμε στην Ελβετία, όπου οι οικογένειες ανακοινώνουν τη γέννηση του μωρού τους με έναν ιδιαίτερο τρόπο.


Η Eviarab, μέσα από το προφίλ της @greekinderschweiz στο TikTok, μας μεταφέρει ένα ιδιαίτερο και τρυφερό έθιμο που συναντάται στην Ελβετία. Στο βίντεό της, μας δείχνει τις πινακίδες που τοποθετούνται στις πολυκατοικίες, στα μπαλκόνια και μερικές φορές στις κολόνες του δρόμου, όταν γεννιέται ένα μωράκι. Οι πινακίδες αυτές συνήθως έχουν ροζ ή μπλε χρώμα, ανάλογα με το φύλο του παιδιού, και είναι διακοσμημένες με χαρούμενα σχέδια, όπως ζωάκια. Μάλιστα, στο συγκεκριμένο βίντεο, βλέπουμε πινακίδες που ανακοινώνουν τη γέννηση του μικρού Γιάννη και του Μαξ.

Η Eviarab αναφέρει ότι αυτός είναι ένας γλυκός τρόπος για να ενημερώνονται οι γείτονες για το νέο μέλος της οικογένειας, ενώ ταυτόχρονα οι γονείς εκφράζουν με αυτές ένα είδος προκαταβολικής "συγγνώμης" για την πιθανή φασαρία ή το κλάμα του μωρού. Έτσι, η κοινότητα δείχνει κατανόηση και αγκαλιάζει τη νέα οικογένεια με αγάπη και αποδοχή.



Μάλιστα, υπάρχει η άποψη ότι αυτές οι πινακίδες βοηθούν τους γείτονες να αντιληφθούν πότε το μωρό έχει κλείσει τις πρώτες του 40 μέρες, ώστε να μπορούν να το επισκεφθούν και να ευχηθούν στην οικογένεια. Είναι ένα παράδειγμα του πώς μια κοινωνία μπορεί να γιορτάζει τη ζωή και ταυτόχρονα να ενισχύει το αίσθημα της κοινότητας και της αλληλοϋποστήριξης.

Πολλοί είναι φυσικά πλέον που δεν συμφωνούν με αυτή την παράδοση, καθώς θεωρούν ότι πλέον είναι επικίνδυνο μια οικογένεια να αποκαλύπτει προσωπικά δεδομένα, όπως είναι το όνομα και το φύλο του παιδιού.

ΠΗΓΗ:

Thursday, 10 April 2025

Is psychology racist?


Phil Banyard, Emeritus Professor of Psychology at Nottingham Trent University, thinks it is; and we seek your views.

04 April 2025


As Psychologists, we perhaps like to believe that our work is founded on liberal and progressive values, and is adding to the sum of human happiness. On top of that, we have had numerous initiatives on race, EDI policy documents and all manner of discussions and seminars. But what has all this actually achieved? I believe time's up for the policies and discussions that can effectively push arguments around racism into the long grass. It's time to honestly confront the issues and bring about change.

Racism is perhaps the strongest fault line in our society, and it's very difficult to have a frank discussion about. The question about racism in any discipline or organisation is challenging, and the immediate reaction is to push back. But hear me out before you do that. First, let me clarify what I mean by 'psychology'. I could be referring to the academic structures of the subject; or I could be referring the subject matter, the cannon of psychological knowledge; or I could be referring to the to the practice of psychology. So, to be clear, I am referring to all three, and my answer to the question at the top of the page is a resounding 'yes' for all of them.

This is not a wind-up piece for The Psychologist to generate clicks. I believe this to be true, and I'll outline what drives me to these conclusions. My position is that our society in the UK is structurally racist and we have a lot of work to do to confront this and make it the haven of freedom and democracy that we sometimes erroneously claim it to be.

I write this from a position of privilege that includes white privilege: by which I mean a location of structural advantage, a 'standpoint', a place from which White people look at ourselves, at others, and at society, and a set of cultural practices that are usually unmarked and unnamed (Frankenberg, 1993, p.1). Privilege that derives from class, race, gender and other characteristics is rarely acknowledged or challenged by the beneficiaries of that privilege. White people don't and often won't acknowledge the privilege that comes from their whiteness. I suggest that we dare to challenge examples of racism in our own behaviour and that of our colleagues.

Here, I focus on race and racism while recognising there is a wider context to see this argument in – one which includes class, gender and sexuality. Most significantly for psychology, I think, is the intersection with the concepts of madness which have a long history of being used as a weapon against the poor and the disenfranchised (see Barham, 2023).

So, here are my best understandings of the issues as they apply to psychology… with the proviso that I am still learning about this, and so welcome comment.
Race and racism

The first thing to consider here is what we understand by the term racism and, indeed, race. For some, racism is a relatively abstract moral and political construct, but for many others it is a daily reality. Political leaders tell us that the UK is a welcoming and friendly society, but visitors don't always see it that way. The United Nations reported that racism in the UK is 'structural, institutional and systemic' (United Nations, 2023).

For brevity let's accept the view that race is not a biological reality but a social construct. The next questions are when and why the concept of race developed, and how it impacts us now. The concept of 'race' that is based on place and physical characteristics emerged in the West around the turn of the 19th century. It was invented to 'other' people who were being exploited and subjugated by Europeans. The creation of 'race' provided a rationalisation for the brutal kidnap, transportation, slaughter and enslavement of Black Africans to the Americas between the mid-16th and mid-19th centuries (Curran, 2020).

The very definitions of race and racism are based on racist beliefs. So, when we try to challenge racism we are inevitably drawn into a dialogue that uses the terms and concepts designed by white supremacists. The playing field is already uneven.
Racism in universities

Many people are offended and upset to have their behaviour challenged as being racist, seeing racism as a feature of other people and not themselves. This arbitrary division of the world into racists and non-racists is not helpful. It prevents us reflecting on our own behaviour and masks the behaviours that occur in liberal institutions like universities, who position themselves as anti-racist. These institutions have clear evidence of racism in their student achievement data and also their staff recruitment. Every 20 years or so a new report highlights the problems, there are predictable expressions of shock and horror but no action to bring about change. The chances for a career in academia are dramatically reduced for Black staff compared to their white colleagues (BBC, 2021; Bhopal, 2015).

Data from UK universities show that students from historically marginalised groups are less likely to get good degrees and are less likely to progress on their courses. These students are 13 per cent less likely to be awarded a high degree classification, are less likely to be employed after graduating, and earn significantly less than their White graduating peers. The students from the historically marginalised groups also report racist harassment on campus, isolation and receiving limited support from staff (Jankowski, 2021; TASO, 2023).

Universities commonly refer to the disparities in student outcomes as an achievement gap, but it would be better termed as an ignorance gap (Bell, 2021). The term 'achievement gap' puts the focus on the individual students and looks to explain why they don't do as well as their white co-students. The better question is to look at what the staff and the university structures are doing that holds back the achievement of these students. I know from unpublished data from my own university that these differences in performance do not occur on all courses or in all modules, so it is possible to make changes to remove these barriers to success. The common response is to change reading lists to include a more diverse range of authors and ideas, though, not surprisingly, this does not seem to have affected the ignorance gap (Campbell, 2024).
Challenging colonial influences

'Who controls the past controls the future: who controls the present controls the past' (George Orwell, Nineteen Eighty Four)

One of the challenges to colonial influences is to revisit and, commonly, remove the statues and artifacts of the colonialists. Yet consider Cecil Rhodes, the Victorian colonialist whose activities caused untold suffering in southern Africa and systematically plundered the wealth of that region. In 1877 he wrote, 'I contend that we are the first race in the world, and that the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race.' Despite all this, Oxford University resists attempts to remove the statue of Rhodes.

We remove statues and traces of people and events that we now understand to be brutal, oppressive. Imagine a university keeping its statue of Jimmy Saville. What level of outrage would there be? And yet our institutions protect statues for white supremacists. This makes the work of decolonists very difficult: a few smiling faces on the front of a university prospectus is not going to cut it.

Such statues create a climate of acceptance of racist ideas which exists within psychology as well. We ask students to accept without comment the work of psychologists such as Pearson and Spearman, whose support in eugenics made them proponents of white supremacy. Until 2021, the highest award of the British Psychological Society was the Spearman Award; the BPS retired the award with acknowledgment of Spearman's connections to eugenics. The statistical tests named after them were design to show the superiority of white British people over all others. This process of categorising and ranking people is still the main activity of the field of individual differences.

Make no mistake about it, the colonial past of the UK is a horror story. The European colonies enslaved millions, transported them across the world and created conditions that caused unimaginable destruction and death. They developed the techniques for dominating people that we now see as the hallmarks of fascism. Our nation looks back fondly to the Second World War with pride and without any sense of shame, as if this was our finest hour. Much of the war, however, took place outside of Europe and was not defending the country but maintaining the empire. For example, at its height over one million people were fighting under the union jack in Myanmar (then known by its colonial name of Burma). But they were not fighting for democracy, they were fighting against it. They were not fighting against fascism, they were fighting to maintain fascist control over the colonies (Cesaire, 1972), and their natural resources of rubies and teak oil.

It is possible to fill book after book with the many outrages of the colonialists. The enduring problem is that our society (and the societies of other colonial powers) do not face up the historic actions of their governments, and hence do not recognise the enduring suffering that exists even when much of the structure of empire has been dismantled.

If we reflect on our history as psychologists then one of the key issues for us is to try and understand 'the mentality of a people that could continue for over 300 years to kidnap an estimated 50 million youth and young adults from Africa, transport them across the Atlantic with about half dying unable to withstand the inhumanity of the passage, and enslave them as animals' (Linda James-Myers, 1988).

One of the key ideas of decolonial thinking is that the violence of colonialism was not confined to a period of history but persists today in coloniality which we can define as ways of knowing, power and being, formed during colonial occupation, that persist after the end of colonial rule (Gómez-Ordóñez et al., 2021). But my view is that in a society that basks in moral superiority despite empires and wars that in fact maintained fascist control around the world rather than eliminating it, it is near impossible to have a frank discussion about decolonising our society and decolonising psychology.
Racism in the literature

There exists a sentiment for the most part quite unreasonable against the gradual extinction of an inferior race. (Francis Galton, 1883, cited in Rose et al., 1984, p.30)

The history of race science is well documented and there seems little value in repeating it here (for a review, see Richards, 2012). Let's cut to the chase and acknowledge that there has been a line of research in psychology that has generated and propagated racist ideas for over a century. These ideas have been furthered by a minority of psychologists, but they have been tolerated and hence colluded with by the majority.

Beyond the realms of race science, mainstream psychology homogenises the people it studies and effectively ignores their individual experiences. One effect of this is to whitewash the data so that the default is about the dominant white communities. This is compounded by psychology's narrow view of humanity that focuses on the behaviour and experience of WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialised, Rich, and allegedly Democratic) people: Henrich et al., 2010). The behaviour and experience of these WEIRD people have come to be seen as the norms against which everything is judged. One way to challenge this colonial thinking is to assert the value of other ways of being, and de-normalise the WEIRD ways of being.

Jankowski and colleagues (2017) describe how most of our journals are edited by Westerners, written by Westerners and use Westerners as participants. They examined their own teaching, and after coding the ethnicity, nationality and gender of every author of every reading they set from the module handbooks of their psychology course, discovered that of the 215 readings they set, written by 380 authors, 96 per cent were white, 99 per cent were Western and 64 per cent were male. The authors note that their own modules were no better than any other in this regard. Their disarming honesty and willingness to address this is in stark contrast to the general air of defensiveness that many of us display when challenged.
Psychology professions and racism

Psychologists are employed in education, the prison service, the health service and beyond. All of these professions report a low proportion of staff from historically marginalised groups, and difficulties in dealing with issues of race. The people these professionals deal with such as children excluded from schools, people with mental health difficulties and people confined to prisons, disproportionately come from these historically marginalised groups. The issues for the professions are starting to be discussed (Gill, 2020; Fazir-Short, 2020), as are the issues for counselling psychology (Charura & Lago, 2021) and clinical psychology (Memon et al., 2016), but given how long there has been literature on this, the current state of the psychology professions is difficult to understand.

During the 1960s Black people in the USA and the UK were increasingly diagnosed with DSM inspired conditions such as schizophrenia. It is argued that these diagnoses were used to pathologise direct and organised responses to structural racism (Frazer-Carroll, 2023). US psychiatrists Bromberg and Simon went so far as suggest that Malcolm X and the civil rights movement had initiated a wave of schizophrenic symptoms and paranoid 'racial antagonism' in Black Americans (Metzl, 2009).

A quick look at some of the current available data will illustrate how issues of race are still very much in play in our mental health services. For example, data from the UK government shows that Black people in the UK are more likely to experience mental distress and are therefore more likely to encounter mental health services. The 2017 Race Disparity Audit found that Black men are ten times more likely than White men to experience a disorder that is categorised as being psychosis (IRR, 2021). And in the year to March 2020, Black people were more than 4 times as likely as White people to be detained under the Mental Health Act (GOV.UK. 2021). Wherever you look you find the same story of differential diagnosis and differential treatment, and it is always to the detriment of the people from historically marginalised groups.
Time's up!

As I write this, I realise there is nothing new here. Most of this information has been there for all of us to see for years. Hiding in plain sight. The occasional hand-wringing and EDI action plan notwithstanding, there has been very little movement. So here is my challenge and check list:If you look at your doctoral students and see a different complexion to your undergraduates (and also a different gender distribution) then there is something about your selection processes that is discriminatory.
If there are some modules on your courses on which white students do consistently better than students of colour, then your staff and curricula are creating obstacles for students of colour that are discriminatory.
If you look around your university staffroom and see a very different complexion of faces to that of your students, then something about your recruitment procedures is discriminatory.
If your university requires students to enter a college by walking under the statue of a white supremacist colonialist, then your university is racist.
If your professional courses are recruiting a profile of trainees for psychologist posts that does not match the client base for this profession, then you are colluding with discriminatory practice.

There seem to me to be two broad alternatives. One is to commit to changing all recruitment plans and to review all courses with, say, a three-year maximum to achieve substantial and defendable change. The other alternative is to front up and accept the white supremacist narrative, retreat into avoidance and denial and carry on as we are.

But one thing is for sure in my mind. This has gone beyond committees and fact-finding reports. The problem is staring us in the face. To share your views on the issues raised in this article, email psychologist@bps.org.uk. We will be considering the article and the responses it generates for a future print edition.
References

Barham, P. (2023). Outrageous Reason. Monmouth: PCCS Books

BBC (2021a). Black scientists say UK research is institutionally racist.

BBC World Service website. The story of Africa.

Bell, D. (2021). Resuturing being and knowing. In Dutta, U. (Session organizer), The (Im)Possiblities of a Decolonial Project in Higher Education: Praxis of Entanglements and Radical Hope. Panel discussion (virtual) held on November 8, 2021.

Bhopal, K. (2015). The experiences of black and minority ethnic academics: Multiple identities and career progression. Runnymede Trust.

BPS Ethics Committee, Challenging Histories.

Campbell, P.I., (2024). Decolonising the curriculum hasn't closed the gap between Black and white students – here's what might. The Conversation.

Cesaire, A. (1972). Discourse on Colonialism. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Charura, D. & Lago, C. (2021). Black Identities and White Therapies: Race, respect and diversity. Monmouth: PCCS Books

Curran, A. (2020). Facing America's History of Racism Requires Facing the Origins of 'Race' as a Concept. Time.

Fazir-Short, N. (2020). We need to broaden the conversation to institutional bias. The Psychologist. 33. P24-26.

Frankenberg, R. (1993). The social construction of Whiteness: White women, race matters. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Frazer-Carroll, M. (2023). Mad World: The politics of mental health. London: Pluto Press.

Gill, J.K. (2020). The discomfort of institutional racism. The Psychologist. 33. P2.

Gómez-Ordóñez, L., Adams, G., Ratele, K., Suffla, S., Stevens, G. and Reddy, G., (2021). Decolonising psychological science: encounters and cartographies of resistance, The Psychologist.

GOV.UK (2021). Detentions under the Mental Health Act.

Henrich, J., Heine, S.J. and Norenzayan, A., (2010). The weirdest people in the world? Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 33(2-3):61-83. doi:10.1017/S0140525X0999152X

IRR (Institute of Race Relations). (2021) Health and mental health statistics. Available at

James-Myers, L., (1988). Understanding an Afrocentric World View. Introduction to an Optimal Psychology.,

Jankowski G.S., (2021). Students' understanding and support for anti‐racism in universities. British Journal of Social Psychology.

Jankowski, G., Gillborn, S., & Sandle, R. (2017). Advancing BME Psychology. The Psychologist 30.10. p2.

Memon, A., Taylor, K., Mohebati, L.M. et al. (2016). Perceived barriers to accessing mental health services among black and minority ethnic (BME) communities: A qualitative study in Southeast England. BMJ Open, 6, e012337.

Metzl, J. M. (2009). The protest psychosis: How schizophrenia became a black disease. Beacon Press.

Orwell, G. (1949). Nineteen Eighty Four. Quote retrieved from the pier wall at Southwold, February, 2025.

Richards, G. (2012) 'Race', Racism and Psychology. London: Psychology Press.

Rose, S., Kamin, L.J., and Lewontin, R.C. (1984). Not in our genes: biology, ideology and human nature. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

TASO, (2023). The impact of curriculum reform on the ethnicity degree awarding gap. TASO: Transforming Access and Student Outcomes in Higher Education.

United Nations (2023). UK: Discrimination against people of African descent is structural, institutional and systemic, say UN experts.

SOURCE:

Monday, 7 April 2025

‘I had a vision that I wanted to bring justice and listen to the subjugated, seldom heard stories’



Fauzia Khan interviews Dr Romana Farooq, Consultant Clinical Psychologist at Leeds and York Partnership NHS Foundation Trust and Academic Director at Newcastle University.

01 April 2025


Tell me about your roots in psychology.

I grew up in the densely populated, highly deprived area of Bradford and witnessed the effects of deprivation, austerity, poverty, discrimination and racism on the lives of family and close friends. My family migrated from Kashmir and my grandparents survived occupation, colonisation, forced displacement and war. I grew up hearing my grandmother talk about the partition and her stories of loss… she spoke fondly of a place she could call 'home'. I also witnessed the Pennine disturbances and the devastating impact hate crime, racialised tension and unrest can have on the psychological safety of communities, families and children.

Despite these experiences I also witnessed hope, solidarity, love and an enduring resilience in my community. I noticed the power of collective solidarity, social activism and the role a community plays in the wellbeing of children. It definitely played a huge part in my upbringing… I believe it really does take a village to raise a child. My experiences shaped my values around justice, compassion, authenticity and the importance of community.

As a teenager I had a vision that I wanted to make a difference, bring justice and listen to the subjugated, seldom heard stories – I hadn't realised that I would do this through Psychology. It was members of my family and community who encouraged me to consider Clinical Psychology, in their words 'we need more of you to help more of us'. And so that's how it all began.

I remember attending one of your talks some years ago on your experiences as a racially minoritised psychologist. Can you tell me about your experience of navigating psychology as a South Asian Muslim woman?

It's been challenging and complex. It's well documented that racially minoritised individuals experience many barriers and difficulties in the profession, and then there is the multiple jeopardy that comes with occupying a range of marginalised identities. It's also well documented that racially minoritised individuals experience barriers at all stages of their journey into clinical psychology; application, training, post qualification and even in leadership positions. There are many hurdles I have had to jump, stereotypes I've had to challenge and walls I have had to break.

However, I feel very privileged with the experiences my training has granted me, the families and children I have worked with and the impact I've been able to make. I've also met many other inspirational racially minoritised women and men in the profession, all of whom have enabled, supported and empowered me and without whom I wouldn't be where I am now. I also recognise the privilege and the responsibility that comes with being a Psychologist and how we need to take the power we have very seriously. My own experiences have meant that I am very aware of power, how it is enacted, represented, exercised and exploited.

You've worked in several different children and young people's services as a clinical psychologist. Tell me about these experiences.

I've worked with children, young people and families in a range of specialist settings during very difficult and challenging times. I started my career working with Bradford Rape Crisis, a feminist organisation supporting women and girls following sexual violence and abuse. I owe a lot to this organisation and the women I worked with, for shaping the Psychologist and person I am today. The service focused on intersectional feminism, empowerment, solidarity and justice, all of which aligned with my own values. I took that into all my subsequent roles and services.

Following this I was involved in setting up, delivering and leading services for children and young people subject to sexual exploitation, organised crime, gender-based violence, forced criminality, trafficking and children and young people displaying harmful sexual behaviour. These were very innovative and creative services, developing new ways of working with children and young people presenting with high risk, high harm and high vulnerability. I had the opportunity to develop, shape and implement new therapeutic and service models, all informed by ideas around empowerment, social equity and trauma. We were using ideas from community psychology, such as working with grassroots communities to meet women and children who had been trafficked to the UK for the sex industry or who had fled gender-based violence, including political violence. Offering this support in community settings and meeting basic needs such as food, money and safety were as important as offering a space to talk about their experiences.

And following this work you were awarded the British Psychological Society Early Career Award for outstanding contributions to Clinical Psychology?

Yes. I felt very humbled to be recognised, but it was the contributions of the children, young people, families and communities I worked with that made this possible.

More recently I've worked in several locked and secure settings for children and young people, including the Children and Young People's Secure Estate and Inpatient CAMHS. These are very challenging and restrictive environments working with children presenting with high levels of complexity and acuity. I feel very passionately about the importance of diverse representation and inclusive leadership in locked and secure settings. The evidence suggests that children and young people from racially minoritised backgrounds are disproportionately detained and restrained in these settings. It feels vitally important to have leaders in these settings who bring a human rights-based perspective and values focused on inclusivity and justice.

Can you tell us more about your work with organised crime, exploitation and serious youth violence? How have you as a Psychologist been able to influence policy and practice?

Serious youth violence is a growing issue in the UK and we are yet to fully understand and find ways of working with this. Traditional models and interventions may not be suitable for children and families subject to exploitation and serious youth violence… we often have to work flexibly and creatively. There is a real opportunity for psychologists to influence service delivery and design, and I've always been keen to think about the value of developing innovative services with children and families.

I've also worked alongside several national and governmental organisations to influence policy and practice in relation to child exploitation and serious youth violence. In 2019 I joined a roundtable discussion at the House of Parliament around the role of parents as safeguarding partners, which was led by SPACE, a organisation raising awareness of child exploitation. Following this, in 2020 I worked closely with the National Working Group for Child Exploitation to launch a Practice and Knowledge Briefing for all organisations (social care, health care, education, policing etc) called 'Making Words Matter – Attending to language when working with children subject to or at risk of Exploitation'. This policy document was developed due to the dehumanising language that can often be used to refer to children subject to exploitation and the impact of this language on the care of children. It was designed to help those involved in safeguarding children subject to or at risk of exploitation, including teachers, police and health workers. It highlighted the importance of attending to the language we use when safeguarding and responding to children, young people and families dealing with the complex issues of exploitation.

What feelings does this work evoke in you?

This is very complex, challenging but necessary work, and I feel it's very important to remain connected to your feelings in order to do this work. You are working with complex trauma in children and families as well as organisational and community trauma. It therefore feels very important to be attuned and aware of your own emotions, in order to help others attune and connect to theirs.

What led you to also train as a Family Therapist?

I have always been naturally drawn to thinking systemically, thinking about families and communities. It feels like working with systems – whether that is a family, a couple or a network – has great potential to make a bigger difference, to make an impact to more lives. This is what led me to train as a Family Therapist too. Working with the network also enables us to move beyond the individual and to explore and acknowledge the impact of systemic difficulties on the wellbeing of children and young people. I strongly feel that systemic and family therapy has a lot of work to do around radically and critically scrutinising its models and ways of working to ensure they're fit for purpose. In addition there is also so much potential to work at the community and policy level, to truly affect sustainable change.

Tell me about your work on Anti-Racism and Decolonization at Newcastle University's Doctorate in Clinical Psychology Programme?

I joined Newcastle University's Clinical Psychology Programme in 2021 as part of the Health Education England Funding to widen access to Clinical Psychology for marginalised individuals, as their Anti-Racism Lead. I subsequently moved into the Academic Director role. There was a strong commitment and focus on anti-racism and decolonisation, and I worked alongside our trainees to develop their Anti-Racism Strategy and review their teaching and curriculum. We had some fantastic trainees who were brave and courageous, who joined us on this journey in interrogating themselves, the programme and the systems.

We eventually wrote a paper titled 'Unsettling the Masters House', which was a critical account and reflections on developing a clinical psychology Anti-Racism Strategy as well as navigating racism, power and relational safety. Anti-racist praxis is complex and challenging – it brings up a range of different emotions and systems have a way of protecting themselves. However, some of what we have been able to achieve on the programme has only been possible because of the dedication of our trainees, staff and our facilitators. We recognise that psychologists – whether training or qualified who support our work on anti-racism – give more than just their time. They give parts of themselves, they give their emotions and their energy. This work isn't easy, and building trusting and safe relationships with our contributors is vitally important. I think there is so much we still need to do on the programme and we will ensure we keep doing our part to bring change to the profession. We are hoping to publish and disseminate our Clinical Psychology Anti-Racism Strategy, which hopefully will be a way to ensure we are accountable.

What do you think needs to change in the profession?

I would say we are currently at a very crucial stage in Clinical Psychology. There are a number of unsettling socio-political developments and shifting agendas. However, at the same time there are an increasing number of vulnerable populations in need of support, so now more than ever representation, diversity and inclusive leadership matters. We need more psychologists passionate about human rights, justice and culturally sensitive practice. We need more psychologists from a range of diverse backgrounds to meet the needs of the communities we are serving. And whilst representation is important, we also have to ensure the profession is inclusive and welcoming. Therefore, having Leaders who are inclusive, compassionate and culturally sensitive can enable change to happen. There is still so much work to do in the profession and we all need to play our part in it.

Can you share a piece of work or research that has really changed or shaped your practice?

I have always found that rather than a piece of work or research it has always been people who have either changed or shaped my practice. I have been influenced and inspired by the work of the late Professor Suman Fernando: his work around racism, racial discourse and the mental health system was one of the first books I read. In addition, the work of Paolo Friere and Frantz Fanon has also been influential and shaped my practice.

Are there any pearls of wisdom you would like to share with others from minoritised backgrounds who may be interested in pursuing psychology?

I would say, know your values and be yourself! I think for racially minoritised individuals the system forces them to change or adapt to fit into the profession and lose their sense of identity, but this upholds the institutional and systemic racism. Its also important to find your allies, your supporters and enablers, and to hold on to them. It can be challenging and isolating navigating clinical psychology, so having a strong, supportive network around you is crucial. There are definitely spaces that are welcoming and supportive of individuals from minoritised backgrounds, and I know I am always happy for people to reach out to me regardless of their stage in the journey.

SOURCE:

Friday, 4 April 2025

Τι μάθαμε από το Adolescence: Η Kaspersky διερευνά τους ψηφιακούς κινδύνους για τους εφήβου



by Αγγελική Λάλου
3 Απριλίου 2025

Πώς να κρατήσετε τα παιδιά σας μακριά από διαδικτυακούς κινδύνους


Ηνέα σειρά του Netflix, Εφηβεία (Adolescence) γρήγορα προκάλεσε ένα κύμα συζητήσεων σχετικά με την ψυχική υγεία των εφήβων και την ψηφιακή ασφάλεια. Η ανατριχιαστική ιστορία που εκτυλίσσεται σε τέσσερα επεισόδια ακολουθεί ένα 13χρονο αγόρι, το οποίο, μετά από μήνες διαδικτυακού εκφοβισμού και έκθεσης σε τοξικές online κοινότητες, μπαίνει στο στόχαστρο των αρχών ως ύποπτος για τη δολοφονία μίας συμμαθήτριάς του. Η σειρά εξερευνά θέματα όπως η νεανική βία, ο εκφοβισμός και η επιρροή των social media στους νέους. Με αφορμή τα ερωτήματα που θέτει το Adolescence, η Kaspersky αναλύει πώς οι γονείς μπορούν να στηρίξουν και να προστατεύσουν τα παιδιά και τους εφήβους στο διαδίκτυο — όχι μόνο ελέγχοντας την πρόσβαση, αλλά χτίζοντας ένα κλίμα εμπιστοσύνης και ενισχύοντας τον ψηφιακό γραμματισμό.


Σύμφωνα με την έρευνα της Kaspersky, το 61% των παιδιών αποκτούν την πρώτη τους συσκευή όταν βρίσκονται μεταξύ 8 και 12 ετών. Αυτή η πρώιμη επαφή με την τεχνολογία δεν είναι απαραίτητα αρνητική: Τα ψηφιακά εργαλεία μπορούν να υποστηρίξουν τη μάθηση, τη δημιουργικότητα και την κοινωνικότητα. Ωστόσο, αυτό που λείπει συχνά είναι μια δομημένη εισαγωγή στον διαδικτυακό κόσμο — μια προσέγγιση που να ανταποκρίνεται στην ψυχοσυναισθηματική και γνωστική ανάπτυξη του παιδιού. Το να ξέρει κανείς πώς να χρησιμοποιεί μια συσκευή δεν σημαίνει απαραίτητα ότι γνωρίζει πώς να τη χρησιμοποιεί με ασφάλεια. Τα παιδιά εκτίθενται σε ένα τεράστιο, σε μεγάλο βαθμό μη φιλτραρισμένο, ψηφιακό οικοσύστημα πολύ πριν αποκτήσουν την ικανότητα να αξιολογούν κριτικά το περιεχόμενο, να θέτουν όρια ή να κατανοούν τις μακροπρόθεσμες συνέπειες της διαδικτυακής τους συμπεριφοράς. Ως αποτέλεσμα, οι πρώτες τους εμπειρίες στο διαδίκτυο μπορεί να τα φέρουν σε επαφή με ακατάλληλο περιεχόμενο, επιθετική συμπεριφορά από συνομηλίκους ή την πίεση της κοινωνικής σύγκρισης.

Η έκθεση σε επιβλαβές ή ακατάλληλο περιεχόμενο είναι ένας από τους πιο συνηθισμένους διαδικτυακούς κινδύνους για τα παιδιά — και ταυτόχρονα ένας από τους πιο εύκολα υποτιμημένους. Σύμφωνα με την έκθεση της Kaspersky, μόλις το 50% των γονέων δηλώνουν ότι συζητούν τακτικά με τα παιδιά τους για την ασφάλεια στο διαδίκτυο, αφήνοντας έτσι περιθώριο κινδύνου. Ένα παιδί που παρακολουθεί αθώα βίντεο μπορεί, μέσα σε λίγα μόνο κλικ, να εκτεθεί σε βίαιο ή άσεμνο περιεχόμενο. Χωρίς τη χρήση φίλτρων περιεχομένου ή γνώση του τι ακριβώς παρακολουθούν τα παιδιά τους, πολλοί γονείς ίσως δεν αντιλαμβάνονται πόσο γρήγορα το ψηφιακό περιβάλλον μπορεί να επηρεάσει τη σκέψη και τη συμπεριφορά των παιδιών.


Ο διαδικτυακός εκφοβισμός (cyberbullying) είναι μία από τις πιο γνωστές ψηφιακές απειλές που αντιμετωπίζουν σήμερα τα παιδιά και οι έφηβοι — και ταυτόχρονα μία από τις πιο δύσκολα εντοπίσιμες από τους γονείς. Σε αντίθεση με τον παραδοσιακό εκφοβισμό, το cyberbullying δεν απαιτεί φυσική παρουσία. Αντιθέτως, συμβαίνει μέσω συσκευών και πλατφορμών που οι έφηβοι χρησιμοποιούν καθημερινά, γεγονός που μπορεί να οδηγήσει σε επαναλαμβανόμενη και αναπόφευκτη κακοποίηση. Από την πλαστοπροσωπία μέσω ψεύτικων λογαριασμών μέχρι την κοινοποίηση εξευτελιστικών στιγμιότυπων οθόνης, memes ή βίντεο, ο διαδικτυακός εκφοβισμός μπορεί να είναι συντονισμένος, επίμονος και συχνά να περνά απαρατήρητος από τους ενήλικες — ειδικά όταν συμβαίνει σε ιδιωτικές συνομιλίες, κλειστές ομάδες ή μέσα από περιεχόμενο που εξαφανίζεται, όπως τα Stories.

Όταν τέτοιου είδους παρενόχληση δεν αντιμετωπίζεται, συχνά οδηγεί τους εφήβους σε ακόμα μεγαλύτερη ψηφιακή απομόνωση — όχι μόνο από τους συνομηλίκους τους, αλλά και από τις οικογένειές τους. Αναζητώντας υποστήριξη ή την αίσθηση ότι ανήκουν κάπου, κάποιοι στρέφονται σε ανώνυμες ή εξειδικευμένες διαδικτυακές κοινότητες, οι οποίες παρουσιάζουν επικίνδυνες ιδέες ως φυσιολογικές, εκμεταλλευόμενες την ευαλωτότητα των νέων — όπως αποτυπώνεται και στη σειρά Adolescence. Η ψηφιακή απομόνωση και η μοναξιά ωθούν τον κεντρικό χαρακτήρα να εμπλακεί βαθιά σε τοξικές διαδικτυακές υποκουλτούρες μέσα από εξειδικευμένα φόρουμ. Οι ενήλικες ίσως δύσκολα μπορούν να εντοπίσουν τη δραστηριότητα των εφήβων σε τέτοια περιβάλλοντα, ειδικά όταν αυτοί την αποκρύπτουν για να αποφύγουν τον έλεγχο.

Για να περάσουν από την ψηφιακή απομόνωση στον ψηφιακό διάλογο, οι γονείς θα πρέπει να δώσουν ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στη δημιουργία μιας σχέσης όπου οι έφηβοι νιώθουν άνετα να μιλήσουν όταν κάτι δεν πάει καλά στο διαδίκτυο. Από ύποπτους συνδέσμους phishing και μηνύματα αμφίβολης προέλευσης έως ανεπιθύμητες επαφές και επιβλαβές περιεχόμενο, η έγκαιρη ανίχνευση αυτών των κινδύνων εξαρτάται από το αν ένας έφηβος νιώθει αρκετά ασφαλής ώστε να πει: «Κάτι δεν πάει καλά».

Ωστόσο, ο διάλογος από μόνος του δεν είναι πάντα αρκετός — ειδικά όταν οι γονείς δεν γνωρίζουν τι πρέπει να προσέξουν. Σε αυτό το σημείο, οι εφαρμογές γονικού ελέγχου μπορούν να αποδειχθούν πολύτιμες, αφού παρέχουν στους γονείς άμεση πληροφόρηση, ειδοποιήσεις για επικίνδυνες συμπεριφορές και έξυπνα εργαλεία που βοηθούν τις οικογένειες να παραμένουν ενημερωμένες — χωρίς να φτάνουν στα όρια της ψηφιακής παρακολούθησης. Σε συνδυασμό με την καλλιέργεια εμπιστοσύνης και ανοιχτής επικοινωνίας, αυτές οι τεχνολογίες αποτελούν ένα ισχυρό μέσο για να παραμείνουν οι γονείς συνδεδεμένοι με τον διαδικτυακό κόσμο του παιδιού τους και να παρέμβουν έγκαιρα, προτού ο κίνδυνος κορυφωθεί.


Παρόλο που η σειρά πραγματεύεται τους ψηφιακούς κινδύνους, η ίδια η δημοφιλία της έχει γίνει προϊόν εκμετάλλευσης και από κυβερνοεγκληματίες. Οι ερευνητές της Kaspersky έχουν εντοπίσει σελίδες phishing που προσφέρουν δωρεάν λήψεις επεισοδίων της σειράς Adolescence, αλλά αντί αυτού διασπείρουν κακόβουλο λογισμικό. Αυτό αποτελεί σαφή υπενθύμιση ότι το ενδιαφέρον των εφήβων για δημοφιλές ψηφιακό περιεχόμενο μπορεί να χρησιμοποιηθεί εναντίον τους και άρα οι γονείς θα πρέπει να ενημερώνουν τα παιδιά τους για αυτόν τον κίνδυνο, όπως και για τους υπόλοιπους.

«Στη σειρά Adolescence αποτυπώνεται με οδυνηρή ακρίβεια ότι ο κίνδυνος δεν παρουσιάζεται πάντα ως κακόβουλο λογισμικό ή hacking. Κάποιες φορές, έρχεται στη μορφή μίας σταδιακής διάβρωσης της εμπιστοσύνης, όταν το παιδί νιώθει μεγαλύτερη ασφάλεια να ανατρέξει σε ανώνυμα φόρουμ για βοήθεια παρά στην ίδια του την οικογένεια. Ενώ κάποιες διαδικτυακές πλατφόρμες προσφέρουν όντως υποστήριξη, άλλες εκμεταλλεύονται τη σιωπή αυτή, κανονικοποιώντας επικίνδυνες συμπεριφορές ή ενθαρρύνοντας τη μυστικότητα. Γι’ αυτό η ψηφιακή ασφάλεια στο σπίτι δεν μπορεί να βασίζεται μόνο στην παρακολούθηση, αλλά πρέπει να χτίζεται πάνω στον ανοιχτό διάλογο, να γνωρίζουν δηλαδή οι έφηβοι ότι μπορούν να μιλήσουν για όσα βιώνουν διαδικτυακά χωρίς φόβο ή κριτική», δηλώνει ο Andrey Sidenko, privacy expert στην Kaspersky.

Για να παραμείνουν τα παιδιά σας ασφαλή στο διαδίκτυο, η Kaspersky συνιστά τα εξής:

· Μένοντας ενημερωμένοι για τις τελευταίες απειλές και παρακολουθώντας ενεργά τη διαδικτυακή δραστηριότητα των παιδιών τους, οι γονείς μπορούν να δημιουργήσουν ένα ασφαλέστερο διαδικτυακό περιβάλλον για εκείνα.

· Είναι κρίσιμο για τους γονείς να έχουν ανοιχτή επικοινωνία με τα παιδιά τους σχετικά με τους πιθανούς κινδύνους που μπορεί να συναντήσουν στο διαδίκτυο και να εφαρμόσουν αυστηρές οδηγίες για την ασφάλειά τους.

· Θέστε σαφή όρια σχετικά με το τι μπορούν και τι δεν μπορούν να κάνουν στο διαδίκτυο και εξηγήστε τους γιατί έχετε θέσει αυτούς τους κανόνες. Οι γονείς πρέπει να αναθεωρούν αυτούς τους κανόνες καθώς τα παιδιά τους μεγαλώνουν.
See Also


Η σειρά «Εφηβεία» του Netflix αποκαλύπτει κάποια από τα σκοτεινά emoji που κάθε γονιός πρέπει να γνωρίζει



· Για να βοηθήσουν τους γονείς να εισάγουν τα παιδιά τους στην κυβερνοασφάλεια, οι ειδικοί της Kaspersky ανέπτυξαν το Kaspersky Cybersecurity Alphabet. Σε αυτό το βιβλίο, τα παιδιά σας θα γνωρίσουν νέες τεχνολογίες, θα μάθουν τους βασικούς κανόνες για την ασφάλεια στον κυβερνοχώρο, θα ανακαλύψουν πώς να αποφεύγουν διαδικτυακές απειλές και να αναγνωρίζουν τα κόλπα των απατεώνων από μικρή ηλικία. Μπορείτε να κατεβάσετε εδώ το pdf του βιβλίου δωρεάν.

· Οι εξειδικευμένες εφαρμογές για γονείς, όπως το Kaspersky Safe Kids, βοηθούν στην αποτελεσματική προστασία των παιδιών στον διαδικτυακό και τον φυσικό κόσμο. Οι εφαρμογές αυτές μπορούν να βοηθήσουν τους ενήλικες να εξασφαλίσουν μια ασφαλή και θετική ψηφιακή εμπειρία για τα παιδιά τους, δημιουργώντας τις σωστές συνήθειες, προστατεύοντάς τα από ακατάλληλο περιεχόμενο, εξισορροπώντας τον χρόνο που περνούν μπροστά στην οθόνη και παρακολουθώντας τη φυσική τους τοποθεσία.

· Για να εξασφαλίσετε ότι το παιδί σας δεν θα κατεβάσει κακόβουλα αρχεία κατά τη διάρκεια του gaming, σας συμβουλεύουμε να εγκαταστήσετε μια αξιόπιστη λύση ασφαλείας στη συσκευή του.



Σχετικά με την Kaspersky

Η Kaspersky είναι μια παγκόσμια εταιρεία ψηφιακής ασφάλειας με έτος ίδρυσης το 1997. Η βαθιά πληροφόρηση απειλών και η τεχνογνωσία στον τομέα της ασφάλειας της Kaspersky μετατρέπονται συνεχώς σε λύσεις και υπηρεσίες ασφάλειας για την προστασία επιχειρήσεων, κρίσιμων υποδομών, κυβερνήσεων και καταναλωτών σε όλον τον κόσμο. Το ολοκληρωμένο χαρτοφυλάκιο ασφάλειας της εταιρείας περιλαμβάνει την προστασία τερματικών σημείων και μια σειρά εξειδικευμένων λύσεων και υπηρεσιών ασφάλειας για την καταπολέμηση εξελιγμένων και εξελισσόμενων ψηφιακών απειλών. Περισσότεροι από 400 εκατομμύρια χρήστες προστατεύονται από τις τεχνολογίες της Kaspersky και βοηθάμε 220.000 εταιρικούς πελάτες να προστατεύουν ό,τι είναι πιο σημαντικό για αυτούς. Μάθετε περισσότερα στο www.kaspersky.com.

ΠΗΓΗ:

Tuesday, 1 April 2025

Humans aren’t the only ones whose social circles shrink in old age


New comparative studies illustrate similar social dynamics elsewhere in the animal kingdom.

24 March 2025

ByEmma Young


Previous research has shown that some other species — not just people — see their social networks shrink as they move into old age. Exactly why this should be has not been clear; we have some understanding of why it happens in humans, and what can be done to mitigate any negative effects, but why exactly it happens beyond our species has so far been a mystery. New research, however, poses a novel suggestion.

As Erin R Siracusa at the University of Exeter's School of Psychology and colleagues write in their recent paper in Philosophical Transactions B, though the benefits of social living are well established, "sociality also comes with costs, including infectious disease risks." The team reasoned that with increasing age, and a less effective immune system, the risks of spending time with lots of people might start to outweigh the benefits — and this could drive changes in behaviour.

To explore this idea, they first analysed data gathered on a well-studied population of rhesus macaques on Cayo Santiago, nicknamed 'Monkey Island', off the southeast coast of Puerto Rico. These monkeys were first brought to Cayo Santiago in 1938 from India, and there are now about 1800 individuals living in 12 social groups. They are looked after by the Caribbean Primate Research Center, which keeps daily tabs on them, and collects data on births, deaths, and group memberships.

The team focused on data from 2010 and 2022 on adult females from six social groups. By looking at the total amount of time these animals spent grooming or being groomed by another macaque and their total number of grooming partners, they plotted these individuals' social connections over time.

Then, they modelled the spread of a hypothetical respiratory virus through these social networks. This model took into account that older animals are more at risk of developing an infection; that they are likely to stay sick for longer than younger monkeys; and that they are likely to fall more seriously ill.

The team found that older macaques were, in fact, likely to suffer less from infectious disease — and this was mostly because they had smaller social networks.

"Our findings suggest a powerful reason why many animals, including humans, might reduce their social connections as they age," commented Siracusa, in a press release.

However, for some animals, at least, this may not be even an unconscious choice. In another recent paper, Julia Schroeder at Imperial College London and colleagues report the first evidence that with age, birds become less socially connected, too. This finding came from their analysis of six years' worth of social interaction data on a population of wild sparrows living on Lundy Island, in Devon, UK. Schroder and her colleagues found that as the birds got older, they interacted less overall with other birds, and they also interacted with fewer other individuals.

However, the team don't suggest that this might have reflected a drive to reduce infection risks. They think it could have happened because as older birds' 'friends' died off, their social network shrank. And, they add, while birds are capable of making new friends (or 'associates', as the researchers call them), with age, the costs of maintaining and making new connections might become greater, because they have to compete for associates with younger birds. More work is needed though, to explore this theory. "To fully understand the effects of demography on sociality, we need to better understand the changing costs and benefits across ages of maintaining and making new connections," Schroder and her colleagues write.

With more research, we should also get a better handle on all the reasons — and the potential pros, as well as the cons — for why older birds, monkeys, humans, as well as some other species, tend to have smaller social circles than they did when they were younger.

Read the first paper (preprint) here:
Siracusa, E. R., Pavez-Fox, M. A., Neg
ron-Del Valle, J. E., Phillips, D., Platt, M. L., Snyder-Mackler, N., Higham, J. P., Brent, L. J. N., & Silk, M. J. (2024). Social ageing can protect against infectious disease in a group-living primate. BioRxiv : The Preprint Server for Biology, 2024.03.09.584237. https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.03.09.584237

Read the second paper here:
Schroeder, J., Dunning, J., Hoi, A., Janet, Y., & Burke, T. (2024). Not so social in old age: demography as one driver of decreasing sociality. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B Biological Sciences, 379(1916). https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2022.0458


SOURCE:

Autism – 11 ways we can cultivate positive change


Deputy Editor Jennifer Gledhill looks at how psychologists can challenge and shift stereotypes surrounding autism.

26 February 2025

1. Question outdated communication rules

'You don't have to look far to find derogatory descriptions of the communication of autistic people' says Dr Rebecca Wood, researcher at King's College and organiser of the How I Communicate Conference. 'Sadly, it's just a short hop, skip and jump between the notion of communication impairment and cognitive dysfunction. The assumption is that if someone doesn't use speech, if their words are infrequent or produced in unanticipated ways, then their thoughts must also be limited, jumbled and infantile. It's the supposition that non or occasional speech use equates to intellectual disability and "developmental delay" that is responsible for autistic people having poor access to healthcare, being failed by the criminal justice system and misunderstood and excluded from education settings.'

How to change? Allow autistic children to access their interests. Wood's school-based study found that all too often, 'communication support would lapse into communication control'. Her study found that when autistic children were able to access their very strong interests in school, it was highly advantageous to their communication, both verbal and non-verbal.
2. Don't pathologise special interest

'Monotropism provides a far more comprehensive explanation for autistic cognition than any of its competitors,' argues autistic writer, Fergus Murray, and, he explains, 'it's finally getting more recognition from psychologists'. Monotropism is the tendency for our interests to pull us in more strongly than most people. 'We are all interested in many things, and our interests help direct our attention,' says Murray, 'different interests are salient at different times. In a monotropic mind, fewer interests tend to be aroused at any time, and they attract more of our processing resources, making it harder to deal with things outside of our current attention tunnel.' It's when this way of processing is seen as somehow lacking, that there is a feeling of 'othering'.

In fact, explains Matt Lowry, licensed psychological practitioner (LPP) and co-host of The Autistic Culture podcast, monotropism allows autistic people to enter flow states more regularly and can therefore be beneficial. (Flow being a state in which someone is so involved in an activity that nothing else seems to matter). Lowry explains that, when autistic people are in monotropic flow, they truly are in a meditative state which can be incredibly healing.

How to change? 'It's simple', argues Murray; 'Never pathologise 'special interests', and don't assume that autistic interests are restricted – there are plenty of ways to get us interested in new things, it's just that they mostly involve taking existing interests and building on them'.
3. Be supportive around autistic inertia

'Autistic inertia essentially describes the tendency to stay focused on one task, and difficulties related to task switching' explains Sarah Boon, author of Young, Autistic and ADHD. 'Even if somebody wants to start or switch to an activity they enjoy, sometimes they can't, due to autistic inertia and feeling stuck on the task or activity they are currently on. This can also apply to starting the day and getting out of bed in the morning.

How to change? Ask the autistic person what would be helpful for them in the workplace or educational setting. Perhaps by offering a few minutes to mentally prepare for a change rather than being expected to manage the change on the spot with no warning is helpful. 'How understanding our colleagues are can make a big difference,' says Boon, 'as they may or may not assume everybody can switch between different activities at a moment's notice'.
4. Always question the research method

'Autistic people have traditionally been seen as subjects of research, rather than in the role of researcher,' says Damian E.M Milton, autistic researcher and lecturer at the University of Kent. 'This is slowly, thankfully, beginning to change. Yet autistic researchers are still a distinct minority, and a participatory ethos more generally can often be held back by financial and bureaucratic constraints'.

How to change? 'A more collaborative approach is needed in setting the research agenda as well as the design and development of support strategies and methodologies,' says Milton. 'Participatory research can relate to a wide range of theoretical and methodological approaches, with the aim of ceding power from the researcher to the participants.' Andrea MacLeod, Associate Professor at the University of Birmingham agrees; 'we can shift the notion that large-scale research is the most valuable and see the value and meaning that small-scale research, which can focus in-depth on very specific context, is more meaningful for autistic individuals and their voices.'

Perhaps even more importantly, a recent study by Sterling University has discovered that the research money spent on studying autism doesn't correlate to what autistic people want from research. Participants' top priority was mental health and wellbeing as well as more focus on non-white autistic populations, parenting and the menopause.
5. Unlearn some of what we have been taught

'Working by neurodiversity affirmative principles involves a significant amount of unlearning when it comes to what we have previously been taught', say practitioners at The Adult Autism Practice. They argue that we can feel uncomfortable reflecting on previous deficit-based practice, which is typically based on knowledge of autistic experience constructed by the perceived neuromajority, rather than autistic people.'

How to change? 'There are many practical ways you can be an ally', explain the team, including only supporting organisations that claim to support autistic people by checking how many board members are autistic. If you are presenting about autistic people at an event and you are neurotypical, ask if an autistic person could do a better job. When evaluating research or academic articles, deliberately focus on reading material from autistic academics, and ask if policies relating to autistic people have had autistic people involved in developing it. These are just a handful of ways that professionals can advocate for system change and help to bring about societal changes faster.
6. Understand that camouflaging takes its toll

Many autistic people report experiencing camouflaging or masking as an obligation, rather than a choice. But whether it's to avoid bullying, ostracism, or simply a feeling of being different, camouflaging takes its toll. A study by Laura Hull and colleagues in 2017, asked 92 autistic adults to answer several questions about their camouflaging behaviours, and its consequences. They reported that the most consistent response from participants was that camouflaging is simply 'exhausting'. In the study, camouflaging was repeatedly depicted as being mentally, physically, and emotionally tiring, requiring intense attentiveness, self-control, and the continued management of a felt sense of discomfort.

How to change? 'We can all play our part', explains Professor Francesca Happe. 'Camouflaging is often driven by negative responses, ostracism and bullying by neurotypical people. A greater understanding and appreciation of autistic differences might mean that autistic people could take off the mask'.
7. Ask if 'social skills' are based only on neurotypical norms

'Efforts to correct atypical development onto a more neurotypical pathway, or to encourage children to blend in, cannot be considered neurodiversity informed,' explain Professor Sue Fletcher-Watson and Dr Dinah Aitken from Mindroom. They give the example of some schools requiring a child to sign a 'behaviour contract' after a period of exclusion as a pre-condition for returning to school. 'This is an unacceptable approach for a neurodivergent child who isn't 'behaving' but is simply 'being'', they argue. 'Another common example of this in practice involves the teaching of 'social skills' based on neurotypical norms to autistic children. Most egregiously, this is sometimes recommended as a solution when an autistic child is being bullied at school – a devastating neglect of duty of care to the autistic child, when the focus should clearly be on changing the behaviour of the bully.'

How to change? 'Remember that children are not just following their own paths; they are headed to different destinations too. A child who is struggling with handwriting may not need more time to get it right – give them the option to get good at typing instead,' say Aitken and Fletcher-Watson. Dr Rebecca Wood's school-based study found that when autistic children were able to access their very strong interests in school, it was highly advantageous to their communication, both verbal and non-verbal.
8. Put the whole person at the centre of the formulation

'Families looking for mental health support for their neurodivergent child have reported they often experience a significant lack in understanding services and community support,' says Dr Emma Svanberg, Autistic Clinical Psychologist and author of Parenting for Humans. 'I was put off a diagnosis for a long time by well-meaning psychologists who couldn't imagine that I was neurodivergent. I think that says more about the stigma and judgment that still exists about what neurodivergence is – and the implicit understanding that we would rather be neurotypical.' Clinical Psychologist, Dr Jen Mance agrees that without 'suitable accommodation being made for a person's neurodiversity, they might experience discrimination, exclusion and be at risk for poor mental health outcomes.'

Professor Kate Tchanturia, Professor in the psychology of eating disorders at King's College London, explains that this has happened in traditional eating disorder units; 'Many traditional, neurotypical ways of supporting eating at in-patient units have left autistic people falling through the net.'

How to change? Use autism coexistence in a recovery journey. As Tchanturia explains, 'Autism should be respected; it comes with lots of strengths. Eating disorders should be treated: no argument about that. But this leads to the question of how they should be treated. Perhaps it could be in a more friendly environment, through sensory wellbeing workshops, providing people with the opportunity to create soothing strategies and toolboxes… Sometimes people are not even aware of these sensory sensitivities if they are not talked about.'
9. Humanise mental health care

A survey by the National Autistic Society revealed that 76 per cent of autistic adults reached out for mental health support in the previous five years, but it also found that mental health services often fail to provide autistic people access to appropriate treatment resulting in unmet health needs and poorer mental health outcomes.



Autistic campaigner, author and National Autism Trainer, Alexis Quinn, has lived experience of being sectioned under the Mental Health Act and campaigns for more training across the NHS and beyond. 'Sadly, like me', says Quinn, 'too many autistic people are inappropriately admitted to mental health hospitals where they experience higher levels of restraint, solitary confinement and disproportionate lengths of stay – five years for autistic people compared to 39 days for non-autistic people.



How to change? Change requires acknowledging the lonely, difficult and often traumatic experiences autistic people incur in many healthcare settings and taking a curious, flexible, and collaborative approach,' says Quinn. 'Having rarely encountered such an approach during my four-year detention, it is clear we need to do things differently.' The National Autism Trainer programme aims to improve the care provided to autistic people whilst in mental health services by offering training to professionals and healthcare workers.


10. Offer extra support for autistic people experiencing menopause

A recent study by researcher, Christine Jenkins and colleagues, examined how menopause can 'amplify' the effects of autism. Participants described how autistic traits, such as sensory sensitivities can be heightened with menopausal symptoms, resulting in overwhelming emotional and physical challenges. For many, the emotional and sensory intensity of menopause was profoundly overwhelming and disorienting. Participants also reported feeling alienated from others due to their autism, finding it hard to connect with neurotypical women or through traditional support groups.

How to change? Offering more inclusive and informed menopause support within medical settings and tailoring care around the needs of autistic people, could alleviate much of the isolation and anxiety associated with menopause.

Similarly, say the researchers, more diverse awareness campaigns could address the knowledge gaps that left many participants feeling unprepared for their symptoms. It's also important to consider such issues from both a lifespan and relationship perspective.
11. Personalise workplace environments

'Only 22 per cent of autistic people in the UK are employed, compared to a disability average of 53 per cent and an abled average of 83 per cent,' says Dr Nancy Doyle, co-director of The Centre for Neurodiversity at Work.

'If we are to create cultures where a wider range of neurotypes can thrive in employment', argues Doyle, 'we need to a different, scalable approach. We need to move beyond the gatekeeping approach of the medical model, beyond the individual approach of the social model and into a biopsychosocial model where workplace environments and workflows are personalised to maximise performance for all employees, rather than the homogenous automatons of the industrial era.'

How to change? 'One development that could be useful', suggests Doyle, 'is the notion of Job Crafting – which suggests that a role can be shaped to form a better fit to the individual leading to better engagement, wellness and performance. The execution of Job Crafting, argues Doyle, 'will involve neuroinclusive measures for assessing the strengths and challenges of all staff, not just those whose rights are legally protected. Job Crafting portends a more personalised approach to performance management, workflow and job design, which is congruent with the replacement of the automaton, heterogeneous workers of the industrial age'.

Illustration above: 'Red nose day', by Michelle Roberts, from Project Art Works. Used as the cover of our special guest edited Jan/Feb 2024 issue, 'Neurodivergence: Change, complexities and challenge'.

This is just a snapshot of our coverage around autism and neurodivergence – find lots more in our archive, and share your favourite pieces via Bluesky.

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