Wednesday, 28 December 2022

Interviews with trans children and their parents highlight systemic issues faced by trans children at primary school


By Emily Reynolds


For many young transgender people, socially transitioning can be a highly difficult experience. Research has shown how prevalent experiences of discrimination and harassment are during adolescent transition, where trans teenagers frequently experience bullying not only from peers but from adults too.

A study in the British Journal of Educational Psychology looks at a group of children who socially transition at an even earlier age, during primary and early secondary school. Through interviews with parents and children, the work finds a culture of cisnormativity – a form of normative thought which assumes that everybody is cisgender and has the same needs – within schools and a failure to protect trans children, potentially leading to serious consequences to children’s education and mental health.

Cal Horton from Goldsmiths University interviewed 30 parents or carers of children who had socially transitioned before the age of 11; social transition was taken to mean pronoun change at school, home, and other settings. Their children, who included 15 trans girls, 12 trans boys and three non-binary children, were aged between 6 and 16 years old at the time of interview, giving a wide range of experiences from primary through to early secondary school. To provide further insight, Horton also interviewed ten of these children themselves.

The interviews were semi-structured, with participants responding to open-ended questions related to school, such as “what has been your experience with school?”, “what worked well in your school?” and “what do you think other schools could learn from your experience?”. Follow-up prompts encouraged parents to expand on answers. Children were questioned using whatever format most suited them (e.g. written responses or interview by a parent rather than researcher).

Thematic analysis, in which key themes from the interview text are identified, analysed, and interpreted, produced three themes: institutional cisnormativity, a failure to protect transgender children, and experiences of educational injustice.

In the first theme, institutional cisnormativity, parents noted that school policies often “fail to consider the existence, needs, or rights of trans pupils”. This included lack of access to appropriate facilities, such as toilets or changing rooms, with a direct impact on wellbeing, a sense of belonging, and sometimes physical health. One parent described their child being “segregated to a room by himself on a residential”, “singling him out”.

The theme also covered schools’ poor understanding of legal protections, and a lack of effective trans inclusion policies; this meant that pupils became vulnerable to decisions informed by individual prejudice. One parent, for example, reported a headteacher denying an eight year old trans girl access to the correct toilets, stating that “I’m worried what she would do in the girls’ toilets”.

The second theme concerned schools’ failure to protect trans children. Many trans children and their parents reported schools being unsafe, with abuse being tolerated and pupils experiencing harassment and threats. Parents felt that schools had a “lower expectation of safety for trans pupils” than cisgender ones, making them slow to respond to abuse. Many pupils also reported being isolated: one child said that “because of all of the rumours about me... people stayed away from me”, while a parent said that their child had been “isolated at school... comments [were] made about him in the corridors”.

The final theme related to experiences of educational injustice. A number of pupils had been taken out of school by their parents when schools failed to meet their needs; one pupil was asked to attend conversion therapy by their school. Others missed classes or dropped out entirely because of bullying or harassment, while some were recommended by teachers to leave out of concerns for their safety. Finally, pupils and parents reported feelings of trauma after “years of strain”, with chronic stress impacting mental and physical health. Some pupils were diagnosed with mental health conditions such as anxiety or depression.

While individual prejudice and harassment clearly impacts trans children, the research also highlights the systemic issues stemming from poor policies within schools and poor understanding of existing legal protections – for example a lack of access to facilities, and individual prejudice contradicting legal protections. As author Cal Horton told Research Digest, “trans children in UK schools are harmed by experiences of discrimination and segregation, in schools where cisnormative policy enables transphobic practice.”

“Schools need to raise their expectations for trans pupils, more proactively demonstrating commitment to building schools that are safe and welcoming, enabling trans children to thrive and grow up with confidence and self-esteem,” they said. “Schools need to take steps to adapt to ensure trans pupils are protected from discrimination and gender minority stress, with trans equality a priority for safeguarding trans pupil well-being.”

SOURCE:

Neurodiversity-affirmative education: why and how?


Dinah Aitken and Sue Fletcher-Watson.



Think of a child in school experiencing sensory overload – maybe bright strip lighting, or the school bell, or a scratchy school jumper. It’s like a shake of the coke bottle. Then the timetable changes unexpectedly, and the child feels anxious and all at sea – another shake of the bottle. The child wants to be alone but they get paired up in an activity and they have to mask how they are feeling – the bottle shakes again. By the time the child gets home, the bottle erupts and the lid flies off.

Parents faced with this experience report their concerns to school, but are met with a stock response – ‘we don't see that behaviour here’. If the school’s understanding was shaped by a neurodiversity model, they might hear the parent in a different way, and start to think about what classroom adjustments could be made to relieve the child of the burden of coping. This burden may explain the higher rates of mental ill-health experienced by neurodivergent young people at school (Ford et al., 2021). Meanwhile, those who don’t ‘cope’ in this way – i.e. suppress and mask their experiences – may find themselves subject to bullying by peers (Fink et al., 2015), and exclusion by school staff (Aitken & Wang, 2021).

Despite being absolutely central to the delivery of inclusion in schools, neurodiversity as a term is widely misunderstood and misapplied. For example, many use the word ‘neurodiversity’ as a synonym for additional support needs (or equivalent) when actually neurodiversity includes everyone in a school. In fact, one of the powerful facets of neurodiversity is this inclusiveness, and resilience to the othering effects of terminology that separates us, like ‘special needs’.

One of the biggest risks, at a time when neurodiversity is becoming increasingly a part of the discourse around education (and employment too) is that it is perceived to be just the latest acceptable terminology: another burden for over-stretched teaching staff to wrestle with. Can we switch the narrative so that schools see the positive and practical benefits of embracing neurodiversity, not just for the pupils but for the whole school community? What does it really mean to foster, accept and support neurodiversity in a school?
What is neurodiversity?

Before we start, it is worth defining a few terms. Neurodiversity is a basic scientific truth: people vary in the way that their brains take in, process, and respond to information. This diversity of information processing gives rise to a diversity of experiences in the world (see Chapman, 2020). The presence of neurodiversity in the human race explains why it is that we are not all the same, and gives rise to the types of variation that are often labelled with a diagnosis – neurodiversity begets autism, ADHD, developmental language disorder, Down syndrome, dyslexia, dyspraxia, fragile x syndrome, and Tourette syndrome.

Using the terminology of neurodiversity, we can describe the biggest group of people as neurotypical. They tend to flourish fairly easily in our education system and beyond – because they are in the majority, these systems were often built by people like them, for people like them. Neurodivergent people (also referred to as neuro-atypical, or neuro-minorities) can struggle in these systems because of the mismatch between the way their brains process information and the way the system implicitly expects them to operate.

The single most common mistake made when writing or talking about neurodiversity is to describe an individual as neurodiverse. This is grammatically incorrect (diversity is a property of groups, not individuals), but also can be inadvertently discriminatory. As Nick Walker (2021) writes: ‘To describe an Autistic, dyslexic, or otherwise neurodivergent person as a “neurodiverse individual” … serves to reinforce an ableist mindset in which neurotypical people are seen as intrinsically separate from the rest of humanity, rather than as just another part of the spectrum of human neurodiversity.’

That said, it is essential to recognise and adopt the language preferences of individuals talking about themselves. While we refer to non-neurotypical people in this article as ‘neurodivergent’, many individuals might describe themselves as neurodiverse, or using other language altogether, and these preferences should always take precedent when referring to a specific person.
The neurodiversity paradigm and movement

Beyond these basic facts, neurodiversity has socio-political implications for education. These implications have largely been described by autistic scholars but are now embraced far more widely. The neurodiversity paradigm has three main components – all consequences of the basic fact of neurodiversity as applied to society.

First, variability between people in how they learn is natural, and indeed this variability is a collective strength for the human race. Second, there is no one better or correct way to be, and all neurotypes are equally valued. In the words of autistic scholar Jim Sinclair: ‘Grant me the dignity of meeting me on my own terms – recognize that we are all equally alien to each other and that my ways of being are not merely damaged versions of yours.’ Third, neurodiversity, just like other dimensions of diversity such as ethnicity, gender or sexuality, is something that needs to be understood in the context of social and interpersonal dynamics. In other words, the lives of neurodivergent people are heavily dictated by the reactions of others; by stigma, prejudice, discrimination and ignorance. The neurodiversity movement is a catch-all term that refers to any efforts to apply these ideas in policy and practice, just as the feminist movement aims to apply and realise the concept of gender equality.
Becoming neurodiversity-affirmative

As we can see, neurodiversity starts as a simple idea but immediately poses some radical shifts in thinking. What would this look like when applied in a school context?

Successful, inclusive education needs to cater to the naturally occurring variability that is an inevitable part of humanity. An expectation of varying needs and resources to accommodate those should be baked in to our school systems, rather than overlaid as optional extras. A simple example of this is for every classroom to have a cupboard of accessories freely available to help cater to varying needs: wobble cushions for hyperkinetic children to sit on and wiggle; noise-cancelling headphones for sound-sensitivity; stim toys to help induce focus; egg-timers to help structure independent learning time. Universal design can also help to create a neurodiversity informed environment. Classrooms should be fitted with dimmer switches as standard, and visual timetables should be posted up for the whole class, rather than being doled out to individuals with identified needs. Flexible seating arrangements – the option to stand or sit on a beanbag or yoga ball – are another example of the application of universal design.

A considerable added bonus of taking a universal design approach to classroom supports is that undiagnosed pupils can also benefit – a range of techniques and practical supports are suggested in Johnson and Rutherford (2019). For example:Schools that have provided tablets and laptops to the whole school benefit those children who struggle to spell and write, without singling them out.
Relaxing or scrapping school uniform policies supports pupils with sensory issues who cannot tolerate wearing the uniform.
Lots of schools no longer sound a bell between classes, which generates a calmer atmosphere for all.


Efforts to correct atypical development onto a more neurotypical pathway, or to encourage children to blend in, cannot be considered neurodiversity-informed. For example, many schools require a child to sign a 'behaviour contract' after a period of exclusion as a pre-condition for returning to school. This is an unacceptable approach for a neurodivergent child who isn't 'behaving' but is simply 'being'. Another common example of this in practice involves the teaching of “social skills” based on neurotypical norms to autistic children. Most egregiously, this is sometimes recommended as a solution when an autistic child is being bullied at school – a devastating neglect of duty of care to the autistic child, when the focus should clearly be on changing the behaviour of the bully. In moving away from a normative model of education support, it is important to permit variability in outcome as well as process. Children are not just following their own paths, they are headed to different destinations too. A child who is struggling with handwriting may not need more time to get it right – give them the option to get really good at typing instead.

Finally, the neurodiversity paradigm shows us that neurodivergent experiences cannot be fully understood by people from another neurotype, and thus we need to centre individual experiences and promote self-advocacy (see Pellicano & den Houting, 2022). Neurodivergent teachers and pupils themselves should be at the centre of any school’s inclusion process. Of course, this does not deny the crucial role that can be played by experts and allies who happen to be neurotypical. Especially for children, it may be hard to articulate what are the barriers they are experiencing, let alone identify possible solutions. Experienced professionals can support an individual to analyse their own needs and propose solutions that might be effective. Moreover, a large part of the experience of neurodivergent people consists of the environment created by the attitudes and actions of neurotypical people around them. Inclusion at school is everyone’s business. For example, in a scoping study (Friskney et al., 2019), it was found that schools’ ability to offer a positive learning experience for neurodivergent pupils was linked to ‘the schools’ abilities to respond to a diverse population in general’. The LEANS Programme, Learning About Neurodiversity at School, is one way we have tried to address the attitudes and actions that shape neurodivergent pupils’ experiences.
Myths and risks

When the neurodiversity paradigm is not well understood, it can be mis-applied, resulting in a number of possible negative outcomes. One myth is that neurodiversity denies the disabling impacts of being neurodivergent. You may hear people say something like ‘neurodiversity means that autism is just a difference, not a disorder’. However, when we argue that something is a difference it can still also be a disability – especially within the social model of disability which focuses the cause of the disability in the environment, or the (lack of) environment-person fit. Applying the concept of neurodiversity in this way allows us to simultaneously reject ‘disorder’ labels, while allowing for the fact that those differences may indeed have disabling effects. Ultimately, the word difference should point us to acceptance of needs without judgement, rather than denial of needs without support.

Closely related to this mis-application of the concept of neurodiversity is the idea that we should be celebrating the talents of neurodivergent people. Now, you won’t find us arguing against identifying and lifting up people’s strengths. Working out what you are good at and using that to build skills and self-esteem is an amazing thing for a young person to experience, and a fantastic outcome for a teacher. The difficulty arises when the entire neurodiversity idea is boiled down to a focus on celebrating talents. Where does this leave children who don’t feel they have any talents? And who gets to define what counts as a talent? Is lining up all your coloured pencils perfectly, or never running out of energy, really going to be celebrated in the same way as ace-ing your maths test?

Instead, the focus on strengths is more healthy – and more aligned with the natural variability that is central to neurodiversity – when considered at a group level. Neurodiversity brings collective strength to the table, drawn from variability in experience, helping to drive innovation and empathy – two cardinal features of the evolution of humanity. In the classroom, a focus on collective strengths is apparent when the class celebrate their ability to get along together and their willingness to accommodate each other. As a teacher, one might celebrate the variety of ways in which pupils have approached a creative writing task – ‘look at all these amazing poems – everyone has approached the assignment in their own way!’ – rather than selecting the ‘best’ examples based on a set of metrics which not all will meet.

If the neurodiversity paradigm is not well understood, there is a risk that this transformative idea not only fails to meet its full potential, but that active harm ensues. Mis-appropriating the acceptance agenda of the neurodiversity movement could mean denial of support to those who need it – in a similar way that insistence on a ‘colourblind’ approach prevents anti-racist actions. Tokenistic adoption of neurodiversity language without follow-through in terms of ideas neuters the paradigm and prevents real change.

It is also worth noting that neurodiversity does mean different things to different people – not all readers will agree with the formulations we have adopted here. For example, attempts have been made to position learning disability outside the concept of neurodiversity. The question, we think, to ask yourself is ‘Does my idea of neurodiversity operate to combat stigma and enable flourishing for everyone?’ – if it doesn’t, maybe the simplest solution is to expand and update your idea of neurodiversity.
A neurodiversity-affirmative framework

When neurodiversity is used to include everyone, and to drive a radical agenda of acceptance, the benefits can be substantial. One problem in our current model of classroom support, which all too often relies on a diagnosis before support is offered, is that children may sit on clinical waiting lists for months before receiving a diagnosis. If their needs are not being met in this time, serious outcomes can ensue, including exclusion and mental ill-health. Neurodiversity reminds us of the variability that exists in every school, in every classroom. A neurodiversity-affirmative school provides a platform for teachers to analyse and act upon the apparent needs of the children in their class without waiting for external (often clinical) validation to do so. Such practice is truly child-centred, and permits a rapid response to the changing needs of pupils, while waiting for the insights that can come from a clinical evaluation.

Another benefit of adoption of a neurodiversity-affirmative approach is the shift in focus away from modification of a person against a norm, and towards cultivation of that individual on their own terms. The potential for damage to wellbeing that comes from approaches which focus on correction is clear. In worst case scenarios – and all too often in our experience – this can lead to mental health crises, exclusion or anxiety-related school non-attendance. In contrast, a focus on combating stigma associated with neurodivergence, and on flourishing, nurtures positive self-regard. This can only support engagement with education and maximise learning potential.
The challenge for teachers and schools

Hopefully, we have painted a picture of a neurodiversity-affirmative model for education. A neurodiverse class isn't a bunch of problems to be solved – instead, it's a rich community, brimming with individual and collective potential.

However, it would be unfair and perhaps enraging to suggest this is an easy utopia to create. It’s easy to worry that permitting – or rather, encouraging – children to self-advocate and offering support on a universal-design basis without clinical diagnosis would make your classroom into a free-for-all. Crucially though, we just don’t know much about what a classroom that really delivered on the principles of the neurodiversity paradigm would look like. How much of the difficult behaviour teachers struggle with in class right now is motivated by children trying to hide their difficulties, or push adults away because they don’t feel they can be trusted?

As well as for individual teachers, there is a challenge here for schools. A school is a complex community, and by its very nature it is systemic. The neurodiversity paradigm requires systemic change – we can't continually ask individuals to change themselves to fit in. Instead, we need to meet individuals nearer to where they are. This raises the crucial question of funding. While staff are underpaid and resources in short-supply, it will always be impossible to fully realise the vision of the neurodiversity-affirmative education for everyone. A key way to deliver on the promise of neurodiversity is to campaign for change and investment.

If you want to learn more about neurodiversity, how it applies in schools but also in your workplace or community, we encourage you to check out the It Takes All Kinds Of Minds conference, known as ITAKOM. This large, international, neurodiversity-focused event is happening in Edinburgh on 13-14 March 2023, though you can also attend as an online delegate wherever you are. There’s a huge amount of content to choose from, with five parallel streams, and about a quarter of the programme specifically addressing the education context. See the programme, speaker and registration info.
A pathway to ambitions

A neurodiversity literate school can create an environment that affirms both the existence of neurodiversity and the tenets of the neurodiversity paradigm, to the benefit of pupils and staff. School staff who confidently understand neurodiversity can be empowered to respect their own expertise as educators in recognising the support needs of pupils in their class. Neurodiversity-affirmative classrooms will be characterised by universal design features and flexibility, with teachers adopting and iterating small changes with the potential to benefit everyone. Those same teachers will find ways to focus on the complementary contributions made by the range of people in the class, and shift away from a constant focus on individual achievement, measured against narrow standards. Pupils in such schools will become accomplished self-advocates, who understand their needs, and feel no shame in asking for help. These benefits will radiate out to family networks, as the constant battle for support for their child dissipates. Engagement with the neurodiversity paradigm thus provides a pathway to realise the long-held ambitions of inclusive education, fostering an environment where each pupil can thrive on their own terms.

Professor Sue Fletcher-Watson is Chair of Developmental Psychology and Director of the Salvesen Mindroom Research Centre, The University of Edinburgh. Sue.Fletcher-Watson@ed.ac.uk

Dr Dinah Aitken is Head of Outreach at the Salvesen Mindroom Centre.
Further reading

Walker, N. (2021). Neuroqueer Heresies: Notes on the neurodiversity paradigm, Autistic empowerment, and postnormal possibilities. Autonomous Press

GTCS (2020). Understanding neurodiversity in the context of equality and inclusive practice. A professional guide for teachers.

Hall, A., Meyer, A. and Rose, D. (2012). Universal Design for Learning in the Classroom NY. The Guildford Press.
References

Aitken, D. & Wang, L. (2021). Learning Difficulties and Exclusion from School. Salvesen Mindroom Research Briefing,number1.

Chapman, R. (2020). Defining neurodiversity for research and practice. In Neurodiversity Studies (pp. 218-220). Routledge.

Fink, E., Deighton, J., Humphrey, N., & Wolpert, M. (2015). Assessing the bullying and victimisation experiences of children with special educational needs in mainstream schools: Development and validation of the Bullying Behaviour and Experience Scale. Research in developmental disabilities, 36, 611-619.

Ford, T., John, A., & Gunnell, D. (2021). Mental health of children and young people during pandemic. British Medical Journal, 372.

Friskney, R., Tisdall, E.K.M. & Aitken, D. (2019). Communication matters: Three scoping studies about the experiences of children with learning difficulties, and their families, in Scotland. Salvesen Mindroom Centre and University of Edinburgh. Edinburgh.

Johnson, M. and Rutherford, L. (2019). An Autism Evidence Based Practice Toolkit for use with the SCERTS™ Assessment and Planning Framework.

Pellicano, E., & den Houting, J. (2022). Annual Research Review: Shifting from ‘normal science’to neurodiversity in autism science. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 63(4), 381-396.

Sinclair, J. (2010). Being autistic together. Disability Studies Quarterly, 30(1).

Walker, N. (2021). Neuroqueer heresies: Notes on the neurodiversity paradigm, autistic empowerment, and postnormal possibilities. Autonomous Press.


SOURCE;

Thursday, 22 December 2022

We'd rather do something that requires mental effort than do nothing at all


Although much has been made of the aversiveness of effort, the study suggests that being bored is at least as unpleasant — if not more so.



By Emma Young


The enforced downtime of the Christmas holidays can sometimes pose a conundrum. On the whole, we don’t much like to exert ourselves, so it’s nice not to have to do a lot. Effort is, well, effortful — and unless it offers adequate rewards, like money or fun, we tend to avoid it. But as the authors of new work in the Journal of Experimental Psychology point out, we don’t like to be bored, either. In fact, Raymond Wu at the University of British Columbia and colleagues find that although much has been made of the aversiveness of effort, being bored is at least as unpleasant — if not more so.

The team ran a pilot study plus 12 experiments (11 of them online, due to Covid restrictions) on a total of 2,311 participants. In almost all of the studies, the participants were repeatedly asked to choose between doing a specific task or doing nothing. They were clearly instructed that whatever they went for, the team would still gather useful data. And they were even encouraged to try out both options — but then to go with whichever they preferred. The number of trials varied across the experiments, from 25 to 100.

In six of the experiments, the participants had to choose between watching a blank screen or doing an addition task (in which they had to add a particular number to each of four numbers that were briefly presented on the screen). In two experiments, the choice was between a blank screen or doing a Stroop task (in which they had to name the font colour of various colour words; e.g. 'red' ’ was coloured blue, and the correct response was ‘blue’). In a further two experiments, participants had to repeatedly choose between either doing a Stroop task or watching the computer complete the task by itself. And in the last two experiments, the participants could opt to either count images, or simply view them.

The results of the experiments that involved addition showed that people preferred harder (e.g. ‘add 3’) tasks but not easy (‘add 1’) tasks to doing nothing. “This suggests that people do not necessarily prefer to do anything when faced with doing nothing,” the team reports. “Instead, people may prefer only tasks that require some effort, suggesting that effort is sometimes valuable.”

Participants showed no preference between doing the Stroop task and doing nothing, though they preferred to do the Stroop task themselves than to watch the computer doing it. They also preferred to count images than to passively view them — at least, when there were only 25 trials to complete; participants who had 40 trials to work through were just as likely to choose to watch as to work.

Other findings suggested that there’s a limit to our willingness to choose effort over doing nothing. The single laboratory study, in which participants either did the Stroop task or watched a blank screen, involved the greatest number of trials — 100. Just as in the shorter online studies, over the first 25 and 40 trials, the participants didn’t show a preference for doing the task or doing nothing. But when the full span of 100 trials was considered, they chose to do the Stroop task only 40% of the time.

These findings “suggest that people tend to tolerate doing nothing to avoid effort as they complete more trials,” the team writes. In fact, their analysis of all the studies found that with each additional trial, the participants were 1% less likely to choose effort. It might be the case, of course, that with more and more trials, the task itself became boring — and doing nothing became a preferable form of boredom.

Overall, though, their meta-analysis of all their data shows that while previous research has found that people tend to avoid cognitive effort, in these studies, “participants did not choose to avoid effort to do nothing and, interestingly, chose effort significantly more than chance” — though that effect was small. “Together, our findings demonstrate that doing nothing can be just as aversive — and sometimes more aversive — than exerting cognitive effort,” the team writes.

This is not the first research to show that we do things we might not normally choose to do in order to avoid doing nothing. Earlier work has found that people will choose to give themselves electric shocks rather than sit doing nothing. And boredom can even bring out people’s sadistic tendencies, according to work published in 2022.

So if, over the Christmas period, you find yourself exerting more effort than you’d anticipated, don’t give yourself too big a pat on the back: it could simply be that you’d rather peel sprouts, even, than be completely bored.

SOURCE:

Thursday, 15 December 2022

Η σημασία της ελεύθερης αναπνοής στην καλή ζωή





Καθημερινά επαναλαμβάνουμε τη διαδικασία της εισπνοής και της εκπνοής πάνω από 28.000 φορές. Γεννιόμαστε και μεγαλώνουμε επαναλαμβάνοντας αυτοματοποιημένα αυτή τη λειτουργία του οργανισμού. Τι συμβαίνει όμως όταν η ελεύθερη αναπνοή παρεμποδίζεται και πως μπορούμε να είμαστε σίγουροι ότι αναπνέουμε επαρκή και ποιοτικό αέρα για την υγεία και την ευεξία του οργανισμού μας;

Η λειτουργία της μύτης στο αναπνευστικό σύστημα

Σύμφωνα με τον ιδρυτή της “Breathpod” Stuart Sandeman, τα επίπεδα του στρες στον εγκέφαλο επηρεάζονται άμεσα από τις τεχνικές αναπνοής. “Στις έντονα στρεσογόνες συνθήκες, ο ρυθμός της καρδιάς δείχνει να επηρεάζεται άμεσα από το μοτίβο της αναπνοής. Η μεγαλύτερη σε διάρκεια εκπνοή με μια μικρότερη σε διάρκεια εισπνοή μπορεί να ενεργοποιήσει επαρκώς το πνευμονογαστρικό νεύρο μειώνοντας παράλληλα τον ρυθμό της καρδιάς, επισημαίνει”. Συμπεραίνουμε λοιπόν ότι η σωστή αναπνοή μπορεί να συμβάλει καταλυτικά στην πνευματική υγεία και ισορροπία. Παράλληλα και σύμφωνα με τελευταίες μελέτες είναι πιθανό μέσω της αναπνοής να αποβάλλονται το 80% των συναισθηματικών και σωματικών τοξινών που παράγονται στον ανθρώπινο οργανισμό.
Η ρουτίνα της καθαρής αναπνοής

Η μύτη μας είναι η προστατευτική δίοδος του αναπνευστικού μας συστήματος. Εκτός από την εισπνοή και εκπνοή, η ρινική κοιλότητα είναι υπεύθυνη για το φιλτράρισμα του αέρα που αναπνέουμε, ενώ αποτελεί την πρώτη ασπίδα του ανοσοποιητικού μας συστήματος απέναντι σε παθογόνους μικροοργανισμούς και αέριους ρύπους. Με τα τριχίδια που περιβάλλουν το εσωτερικό της, η μύτη εμποδίζει αποτελεσματικά την είσοδο σε μικρόβια, ιούς και γύρη.

Με το φυσικό ρινικό σπρέι Otrimer, της οικογένειας προϊόντων Otrivin, εξασφαλίζουμε πολύ καλή ενυδάτωση και τον επαρκή καθαρισμό της μύτης καθημερινά, χωρίς τη χρήση συντηρητικών. Το Otrimer είναι ένα 100% φυσικό ισότονο διάλυμα θαλασσινού νερού, το οποίο φροντίζει επαρκώς τη ρινική κοιλότητα και δρα άμεσα ως προς την απομάκρυνση της περίσσειας βλέννας και των αλλεργιογόνων στοιχείων που συσσωρεύονται στη μύτη κατά την εισπνοή, όπως είναι η σκόνη και η γύρη. Επιπλέον, η εφαρμογή του, ανακουφίζει από πιθανούς ερεθισμούς αναστέλλοντας τη ρινική ξηρότητα.


Το Υπουργείο Υγείας και Πρόνοιας και ο Εθνικός Οργανισμός Φαρμάκων Συνιστούν:
ΔΙΑΒΑΣΤΕ ΠΡΟΣΕΚΤΙΚΑ ΤΙΣ ΟΔΗΓΙΕΣ ΧΡΗΣΗΣ
ΣΥΜΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΕΙΤΕ ΤΟ ΓΙΑΤΡΟ ‘Η ΤΟ ΦΑΡΜΑΚΟΠΟΙΟ ΣΑΣ


ΠΗΓΗ:

We'd rather do something that requires mental effort than do nothing at all



Although much has been made of the aversiveness of effort, the study suggests that being bored is at least as unpleasant — if not more so.


By Emma Young


The enforced downtime of the Christmas holidays can sometimes pose a conundrum. On the whole, we don’t much like to exert ourselves, so it’s nice not to have to do a lot. Effort is, well, effortful — and unless it offers adequate rewards, like money or fun, we tend to avoid it. But as the authors of new work in the Journal of Experimental Psychology point out, we don’t like to be bored, either. In fact, Raymond Wu at the University of British Columbia and colleagues find that although much has been made of the aversiveness of effort, being bored is at least as unpleasant — if not more so.

The team ran a pilot study plus 12 experiments (11 of them online, due to Covid restrictions) on a total of 2,311 participants. In almost all of the studies, the participants were repeatedly asked to choose between doing a specific task or doing nothing. They were clearly instructed that whatever they went for, the team would still gather useful data. And they were even encouraged to try out both options — but then to go with whichever they preferred. The number of trials varied across the experiments, from 25 to 100.

In six of the experiments, the participants had to choose between watching a blank screen or doing an addition task (in which they had to add a particular number to each of four numbers that were briefly presented on the screen). In two experiments, the choice was between a blank screen or doing a Stroop task (in which they had to name the font colour of various colour words; e.g. 'red' ’ was coloured blue, and the correct response was ‘blue’). In a further two experiments, participants had to repeatedly choose between either doing a Stroop task or watching the computer complete the task by itself. And in the last two experiments, the participants could opt to either count images, or simply view them.

The results of the experiments that involved addition showed that people preferred harder (e.g. ‘add 3’) tasks but not easy (‘add 1’) tasks to doing nothing. “This suggests that people do not necessarily prefer to do anything when faced with doing nothing,” the team reports. “Instead, people may prefer only tasks that require some effort, suggesting that effort is sometimes valuable.”

Participants showed no preference between doing the Stroop task and doing nothing, though they preferred to do the Stroop task themselves than to watch the computer doing it. They also preferred to count images than to passively view them — at least, when there were only 25 trials to complete; participants who had 40 trials to work through were just as likely to choose to watch as to work.

Other findings suggested that there’s a limit to our willingness to choose effort over doing nothing. The single laboratory study, in which participants either did the Stroop task or watched a blank screen, involved the greatest number of trials — 100. Just as in the shorter online studies, over the first 25 and 40 trials, the participants didn’t show a preference for doing the task or doing nothing. But when the full span of 100 trials was considered, they chose to do the Stroop task only 40% of the time.

These findings “suggest that people tend to tolerate doing nothing to avoid effort as they complete more trials,” the team writes. In fact, their analysis of all the studies found that with each additional trial, the participants were 1% less likely to choose effort. It might be the case, of course, that with more and more trials, the task itself became boring — and doing nothing became a preferable form of boredom.

Overall, though, their meta-analysis of all their data shows that while previous research has found that people tend to avoid cognitive effort, in these studies, “participants did not choose to avoid effort to do nothing and, interestingly, chose effort significantly more than chance” — though that effect was small. “Together, our findings demonstrate that doing nothing can be just as aversive — and sometimes more aversive — than exerting cognitive effort,” the team writes.

This is not the first research to show that we do things we might not normally choose to do in order to avoid doing nothing. Earlier work has found that people will choose to give themselves electric shocks rather than sit doing nothing. And boredom can even bring out people’s sadistic tendencies, according to work published in 2022.

So if, over the Christmas period, you find yourself exerting more effort than you’d anticipated, don’t give yourself too big a pat on the back: it could simply be that you’d rather peel sprouts, even, than be completely bored.

SOURCE:

Thursday, 8 December 2022

Οι ανιδιοτελείς άνθρωποι κάνουν πιο συχνά σεξ!




Οι ανιδιοτελείς άνθρωποι κάνουν πιο συχνά σεξ σύμφωνα με έρευνα

Η αλτρουιστική συμπεριφορά έχει παρατηρηθεί σε όλους τους έμβιους οργανισμούς, συμπεριλαμβανομένου και του ανθρώπου.

Τι είναι αλτρουισμός;

Αλτρουιστικές χαρακτηρίζονται οι συμπεριφορές που έχουν ως σκοπό την παροχή σε οφέλη σε έναν παραλήπτη, ασχέτως των βαθύτερων ψυχολογικών κίνητρων εκείνου που ενεργεί αλτρουιστικά.

Γιατί υπάρχει η αλτρουιστική συμπεριφορά;

Οι πρώτοι ερευνητές που μελέτησαν την αλτρουιστική συμπεριφορά υποστήριξαν ότι οι άνθρωποι συμπεριφέρονται δίχως εγωισμό με σκοπό να λάβουν οφέλη στο μέλλον. Ωστόσο, τα τελευταία χρόνια πολλοί επιστήμονες πιστεύουν πως υπάρχουν κ άλλοι λόγοι που καθιστούν κάποιον αλτρουιστή. Πιθανότατα η αλτρουιστική συμπεριφορά να έχει εξελιχθεί στο ανθρώπινο είδος, εν μέρει, ως σήμα μετάδοσης διαφόρων επιθυμητών ιδιοτήτων που βοηθούν το άτομο στην αναπαραγωγή. Μάλιστα, σε διάφορες έρευνες που έχουν πραγματοποιηθεί στο παρελθόν και τα δυο φύλα έχουν δείξει προτίμηση στα αλτρουιστικά χαρακτηριστικά ενός πιθανού μελλοντικού συντρόφου και κυρίως οι γυναίκες.

Σύμφωνα με νέα έρευνα η οποία πραγματοποιήθηκε από το Πανεπιστήμιο Nipissing και το Πανεπιστήμιο του Guelph με έδρα τον Καναδά και η οποία δημοσιεύτηκε στο British Journal of Psychology, η ανιδιοτέλεια φαίνεται πως μπορεί να μεταφραστεί σε πραγματική επιτυχία «ζευγαρώματος» στους δυτικούς πληθυσμούς. Αυτό σημαίνει ότι η ανιδιοτέλεια συμβάλει στην πιο εύκολη σύναψη και διατήρηση μιας σχέσης, είτε σταθερής είτε περιστασιακής. Επιπλέον, οι αλτρουιστές έχουν περισσότερους συντρόφους από τους μη αλτρουιστές.

Στην έρευνα συμμετείχαν περίπου 800 άνθρωποι, ηλικίας από 16 έως 47 και οι οποίοι είναι κάτοικοι του Οντάριο του Καναδά. Για τους σκοπούς της έρευνας οι συμμετέχοντες έπρεπε να απαντήσουν σε ερωτήσεις που αφορούσαν τις ερωτικές τους σχέσεις και την κλίση τους στο να βοηθούν άλλους ανθρώπους, συμμετέχοντας σε φιλανθρωπίες, δωρίζοντας αίμα, βοηθώντας ξένους να περάσουν το δρόμο, δωρίζοντας τα κέρδη τους, βοηθώντας συμμαθητές κλπ.

Από την ανάλυση των δεδομένων διαπιστώθηκε ότι οι αλτρουιστές ανέφεραν περισσότερους σεξουαλικούς συντρόφους κατά τη διάρκεια της ζωής τους, περισσότερους περιστασιακούς σεξουαλικούς συντρόφους και πιο συχνό σεξ με τη τωρινή τους σχέση. Επίσης, τα αποτελέσματα έδειξαν πως γενικά τα ανιδιοτελή άτομα έχουν αυξημένα ποσοστά επιτυχίας στα ραντεβού και το σεξ. Παρόλα αυτά, η ανιδιοτέλεια αποτελεί μεγαλύτερο προσόν για τον άντρα απ’ ότι για τη γυναίκα, καθώς επηρεάζει με πιο θετικό τρόπο την ύπαρξη σεξουαλικών συντρόφων καθ όλη τη διάρκεια ζωής. Βασιζόμενοι στα παραπάνω δεδομένα οι επιστήμονες που πραγματοποίησαν την έρευνα κατέληξαν στο συμπέρασμα ότι οι αλτρουιστές έχουν μεγαλύτερη επιτυχία στη σύναψη ερωτικής σχέσης και ότι ο αλτρουισμός, ως χαρακτηριστικό, λειτουργεί ως σήμα που περιλαμβάνει όλες εκείνες τις αρετές του ατόμου που είναι δύσκολο να παρατηρηθούν και οι οποίες εκπέμπονται σε έναν πιθανό μελλοντικό σύντροφο. Τέλος, οι ερευνητές πιστεύουν πως η συγκεκριμένη μελέτη αποτελεί την βάση πάνω στην οποία μπορεί να διερευνηθεί μελλοντικά πώς διαφορετικά είδη αλτρουισμού επηρεάζουν βραχυπρόθεσμα και μακροπρόθεσμα την επιτυχία «ζευγαρώματος».

Βιβλιογραφικές Αναφορές:

Arnocky, S., Piché, T., Albert, G., Ouellette, D., & Barclay, P. (2017). Altruism predicts mating success in humans. British Journal of Psychology, 108(2), 416-435


ΠΗΓΗ:

Δεσμοί προσκόλλησης και στρατηγικές διατήρησης της σχέσης




Η θεωρία της προσκόλλησης (Αttachment theory) αναφέρεται στον τρόπο που οι άνθρωποι αναπτύσσουν δεσμούς μεταξύ τους και διατηρούν τις σχέσεις τους. Οι άνθρωποι μπορεί να είναι ασφαλείς ή ανασφαλείς στους δεσμούς τους, ενώ οι ανασφαλείς χαρακτηρίζονται ως αγχώδεις, που διακρίνονται από τον φόβο απόρριψης και εγκατάλειψης που βιώνουν, ή αποφευκτικοί, που έχουν την τάση να μην εμπιστεύονται και να αποφεύγουν την εγγύτητα με τους άλλους.

Τα στυλ δεσμού που αναπτύσσουν τα άτομα μεταξύ τους επηρεάζουν τις σχέσεις τους σε διάφορα επίπεδα όπως στο ότι καθορίζουν τις στρατηγικές διατήρησης της σχέσης (mate-retention strategies), δηλαδή τις συμπεριφορές που χρησιμοποιούν προκειμένου να «κρατήσουν» τον σύντροφο τους και να διατηρήσουν τη σχέση τους. Άτομα με αγχώδεις δεσμούς προσκόλλησης είναι πιο πιθανό να καταφύγουν στη συναισθηματική χειραγώγηση και άλλες επιζήμιες συμπεριφορές, με σκοπό το να αποτρέψουν τον σύντροφο από το να «φύγει» από τη σχέση, γεγονός που, όμως, συνδέεται με μειωμένη σχεσιακή ικανοποίηση.

Χαρακτηριστική είναι έρευνα που δημοσιεύτηκε στο περιοδικό Evolutionary Behavioral Sciences και μελέτησε σε δείγμα 420 ατόμων με μακροχρόνιες σχέσεις τα μέσα που μετέρχονταν προκειμένου να τις διατηρήσουν, καθώς και το επίπεδο της σχεσιακής ικανοποίησης και τα στυλ δεσμού τους.

Τα αποτελέσματα έδειξαν ότι τα άτομα που είχαν αγχώδεις δεσμούς προσκόλλησης είχαν την τάση να καταφεύγουν τόσο σε επιζήμιες στρατηγικές διατήρησης του συντρόφου, όπως έλεγχος των αλληλεπιδράσεων του στο κινητό ή προσπάθεια να κάνουν τον σύντροφο να ζηλέψει πχ μιλώντας σε έναν άγνωστο σε ένα πάρτυ, όσο και ωφέλιμες στρατηγικές διατήρησης του συντρόφου, όπως φιλοφρόνηση στον σύντροφο για την εμφάνιση του ή εκδήλωση τρυφερότητας απέναντι του. Αντιθέτως, τα άτομα με αποφευκτικούς δεσμούς προσκόλλησης παρατηρήθηκε ότι κατέφευγαν μόνο στις επιζήμιες στρατηγικές διατήρησης της σχέσης.

Επιπροσθέτως, τα άτομα με αγχώδεις και εκείνα με αποφευκτικούς δεσμούς ανέφεραν μειωμένη σχεσιακή ικανοποίηση, η οποία συνδεόταν περισσότερο με τις επιζήμιες παρά με τις ωφέλιμες στρατηγικές διατήρησης της σχέσης.

Τα στυλ δεσμού επηρεάζουν τον τρόπο που οι άνθρωποι αντιλαμβάνονται και αξιολογούν την ποιότητα της σχέσης τους, το οποίο κατ’ επέκταση καθορίζει και τις συμπεριφορές που επιδεικνύουν. Ο βαθμός της σχεσιακής ικανοποίησης συγκαταλέγεται στους παράγοντες που μπορούν να μας βοηθήσουν να κατανοήσουμε την παραπάνω συσχέτιση, μαζί με άλλους όπως η ζήλεια, η προσλαμβανόμενη απειλή για απιστία, η εγγύτητα/οικειότητα στη σχέση.

Αγγελική Διδυμοπούλου

Ψυχολόγος

Επιστημονική Συνεργάτης Ι.Ψ.Σ.Υ.

Πηγή: Nascimento, B. S., Little, A. C., Monteiro, R. P., Hanel, P. H. P., & Vione, K. C. (2021). Attachment styles and mate-retention: Exploring the mediating role of relationship satisfaction. Evolutionary Behavioral Sciences. Advance online publication.



Πηγή:


Thursday, 1 December 2022

Λουτσιάνο Καλεστίνι: Η παιδική κακοποίηση δεν γνωρίζει σύνορα

ΔΙΠΛΩΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ ΕΚΠΡΟΣΩΠΟΣ ΤΗΣ UNICEF ΣΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ


Εάν η πρόληψη δεν εφαρμόζεται αποτελεσματικά, η συλλογική μας απάντηση θα παραμείνει σε μεγάλο βαθμό μια αντίδραση κατόπιν εορτής

Οι θάνατοι των τριών παιδιών στην Πάτρα, η υπόθεση της κατ’ εξακολούθησιν σεξουαλικής κακοποίησης του 12χρονου κοριτσιού από τον Κολωνό και oι καταγγελίες για την «Κιβωτό του Κόσμου» συγκλονίζουν την ελληνική κοινωνία τους τελευταίους μήνες. 




«Η κατάσταση για τα παιδιά στην Ελλάδα δεν είναι πολύ καλή», είχε δηλώσει μεταξύ άλλων στην «Κ» ο διπλωματικός εκπρόσωπος της UNICEF στην Ελλάδα, Λουτσιάνο Καλεστίνι, τον Μάρτιο, σε μια συνέντευξη που είχε προκαλέσει έντονες αντιδράσεις. Τότε είχε αναφερθεί κυρίως σε δείκτες, όπως η παχυσαρκία, η παιδική φτώχεια, η ψυχική υγεία. Οκτώ μήνες αργότερα, η ελληνική κοινωνία συγκλονίζεται από υποθέσεις που αφορούν την παιδική κακοποίηση. Οι θάνατοι των τριών παιδιών στην Πάτρα. Η υπόθεση της κατ’ εξακολούθησιν σεξουαλικής κακοποίησης του 12χρονου κοριτσιού από τον Κολωνό. Οι καταγγελίες για την «Κιβωτό του Κόσμου». Με αφορμή όλες αυτές τις υποθέσεις επικοινωνήσαμε εκ νέου με τον κ. Καλεστίνι.


«Η παιδική κακοποίηση δεν γνωρίζει σύνορα και ευδοκιμεί στο σκοτάδι», είναι η πρώτη του απάντηση. «Στην Ελλάδα, όπως και σε πολλές άλλες χώρες, η παιδική κακοποίηση, ειδικά όταν συμβαίνει στο σπίτι, έχει αποτελέσει ταμπού, παρ’ όλο που στην ελληνική κοινωνία και κουλτούρα ο θεσμός της οικογένειας έχει κεντρικό ρόλο – κάτι που για την ακρίβεια μπορεί να είναι πολύ ενθαρρυντικό για την προώθηση της αποϊδρυματοποίησης και την υιοθέτηση μορφών φροντίδας που βασίζονται στην οικογένεια, όπως η αναδοχή», συμπληρώνει.

«Σε ατομικό και οικογενειακό επίπεδο είναι προφανές ότι τίποτα δεν είναι πιο σημαντικό από τα παιδιά μας. Σε κοινωνικό επίπεδο όμως και με βάση το τι έχουμε προτεραιοποιήσει πολιτικά εδώ και δεκαετίες, σε τι δαπανούμε πόρους και για τι διαδηλώνουμε, η εικόνα είναι λιγότερο θετική», σημειώνει ο κ. Καλεστίνι. «Πρέπει να γίνει πολύ περισσότερη δουλειά για να αυξηθούν οι γνώσεις του κόσμου σχετικά με τα δικαιώματα των παιδιών και να συζητηθεί ανοιχτά το θέμα της παιδικής κακοποίησης. Η προστασία από τη βία και την κακοποίηση είναι δικαίωμα κάθε παιδιού. Εάν οι φροντιστές του δεν μπορούν να εξασφαλίσουν αποτελεσματική προστασία, τότε το κράτος έχει εντολή να το κάνει».

Για πολλές δεκαετίες η ιδρυματική φροντίδα έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί ως το προεπιλεγμένο μοντέλο της παιδικής προστασίας στην Ελλάδα, λέει ο κ. Καλεστίνι. «Προς το βέλτιστο συμφέρον των παιδιών είναι καιρός αυτό να αλλάξει και επίσης πρέπει πολίτες, επαγγελματίες και φορείς που έρχονται σε επαφή με παιδιά να γνωρίζουν ότι έχουν ένα σημαντικό ρόλο και ευθύνη για την προστασία κάθε παιδιού».


Ο διπλωματικός εκπρόσωπος της UNICEF δεν θεωρεί ότι η Ελλάδα διαφέρει από τις άλλες χώρες όσον αφορά την παιδική κακοποίηση, επισημαίνει όμως το γεγονός ότι η πανδημία επιδείνωσε τους προϋπάρχοντες κινδύνους τόσο στη χώρα μας όσο και παγκοσμίως. Και επιμένει ότι «η Ελλάδα πρέπει να επενδύσει περισσότερο σε εξειδικευμένες υπηρεσίες στην κοινότητα για την προστασία των παιδιών και των οικογενειών, με στόχο την έγκαιρη αξιολόγηση και παρέμβαση με οργανωμένο και εμπεριστατωμένο τρόπο, ώστε να αποφευχθεί το ενδεχόμενο ένα παιδί που χρειάζεται υποστήριξη να γίνει παιδί που κινδυνεύει. Ή ακόμη χειρότερα να γίνει θύμα κακοποίησης, καθώς η κακοποίηση συνήθως κλιμακώνεται εάν δεν υπάρχουν κατάλληλες υπηρεσίες υποστήριξης και παρακολούθησης».«Η παιδική κακοποίηση δεν γνωρίζει σύνορα και ευδοκιμεί στο σκοτάδι», αναφέρει στην «Κ» ο κ. Λουτσιάνο Καλεστίνι.

Oσον αφορά την πραγματική έκταση, τη φύση και τις διαφορετικές εκδοχές της παιδικής κακοποίησης, αναφέρει πως στην Ελλάδα υπάρχει έλλειψη συγκεντρωτικών στοιχείων που να αναδεικνύουν τις παραπάνω διαμέτρους. Τα «τραγικά», όπως λέει στην «Κ», περιστατικά που έρχονται στο φως της δημοσιότητας, πρέπει να μας υπενθυμίζουν πως αυτή είναι η κορυφή του παγόβουνου. «Επί του παρόντος», τονίζει, «η παρέμβαση λαμβάνει χώρα όταν ο κίνδυνος έχει ήδη γίνει πολύ υψηλός, ακόμη και απειλητικός για τη ζωή ενός παιδιού. Εάν η πρόληψη δεν εφαρμόζεται αποτελεσματικά, η συλλογικής μας απάντηση θα παραμείνει σε μεγάλο βαθμό μια αντίδραση κατόπιν εορτής».


ΠΗΓΗ:

Πώς το «gaslighting» έγινε η λέξη της χρονιάς




Το λεξικό Merriam-Webster επέλεξε ως λέξη του 2022 έναν όρο που παρά το ότι φτάνει πίσω στη δεκαετία του 1930, φέτος αναζητήθηκε από τους χρήστες κατά 1.740% περισσότερο


Υπάρχουν πολλές (αρνητικές κυρίως) συμπεριφορές που αν και συμβαίνουν εδώ και πάρα πολλά χρόνια, μέχρι πρότινος δεν είχαν τον δικό τους όρο που να τις περιγράφει. «Mansplaining», «ghosting», «gaslighting» είναι λέξεις που μόλις τα τελευταία χρόνια μπήκαν στο λεξιλόγιό μας, ακόμα κι αν αναγνωρίζαμε ήδη πολύ καλά τις πρακτικές των συμπεριφορών που περιγράφουν.


Η τελευταία, μάλιστα, φαίνεται πως τώρα είναι πιο επίκαιρη από ποτέ, μιας και το λεξικό Merriam-Webster ανακήρυξε το «gaslighting» λέξη της χρονιάς.

Τι είναι, όμως, το «gaslighting»;

Πρόκειται ουσιαστικά για μία μέθοδο ψυχολογικής χειραγώγησης στην οποία, ο θύτης φέρνει το θύμα στο σημείο να αμφιβάλλει για την ίδια του την αντίληψη, τη μνήμη και εν τέλει, τη λογική. Ο θύτης, που σχεδόν πάντα αποσκοπεί στο να επωφεληθεί με κάποιον τρόπο από αυτή τη μέθοδο, χρησιμοποιεί ένα ψευδές αφήγημα στο θύμα, το οποίο συχνά βρίσκεται σε μειονεκτική θέση ή έχει γενικότερα ευάλωτη προσωπικότητα.


Μπορεί ο όρος να έγινε ευρύτερα γνωστός την περασμένη δεκαετία, πάντως, η προέλευσή της φτάνει πίσω σχεδόν έναν αιώνα και το θεατρικό με τίτλο «Gas Light» που έγραψε ο Πάτρικ Χάμιλτον και κυκλοφόρησε το 1938, γνωρίζοντας και δύο κινηματογραφικές εκδοχές, με πιο γνωστή αυτή τη 1944 δια χειρός Τζορτζ Κιούκορ με πρωταγωνιστές τον Τσαρλς Μπόγιερ, την Ίνγκριντ Μπέργκμαν και τον Τζόζεφ Κότεν.

Στο «Gaslight» (όπως εμφανίστηκε με μία λέξη στον τίτλο της κινηματογραφικής μεταφοράς), βλέπουμε μια γυναίκα η οποία παρατηρεί να λείπουν πράγματά της, ακούει θορύβους να έρχονται από τη σοφίτα, ενώ βλέπει τις λάμπες πετρελαίου (εξού και ο τίτλος) να σβήνουν. Ο σύζυγός της, στο μεταξύ, προσπαθεί να την πείσει πως τίποτα από αυτά δε συμβαίνει πραγματικά, παρά είναι αποκυήματα της φαντασίας της, θέλοντας να την κάνει να νομίζει πως οδηγείται στην τρέλα.

Σύμφωνα με το Merriam-Webster, οι αναζητήσεις στο λεξικό για τον όρο «gaslighting» αυξήθηκαν φέτος κατά 1.740%.

Η εταιρεία λεξικών, σχολίασε για την επιλογή της λέξης που γνώρισε δημοφιλία στην εποχή του Τραμπ στις ΗΠΑ πως «Στην εποχή της παραπληροφόρησης, των “fake news”, των θεωριών συνωμοσίας, των τρολ στο Twitter και των εικόνων deepfakes, το “gaslighting” έχει αναδυθεί ως λέξη των καιρών μας».


Ο επιμελητής του Merriam-Webster, Πίτερ Σοκολόφσκι, πάλι, σχολίασε πως «Είναι μία λέξη που έχει αναδυθεί τόσο γρήγορα στην αγγλική γλώσσα και ειδικά τα τέσσερα τελευταία χρόνια, που πραγματικά εξέπληξε κι εμένα και πολλούς από εμάς», επιβεβαιώνοντας πως το «gaslighting» ήταν μία λέξη που οι χρήστες αναζητούσαν καθημερινά τη φετινή χρονιά.

Πάντως, το έργο από όπου προέρχεται δεν αποτελεί τη μοναδική εμφάνιση της λέξης/όρου στην ποπ κουλτούρα. Η φετινή μίνι σειρά γύρω από τη Μάρθα Μίτσελ που υπήρξε ο πρώτος άνθρωπος που κατηγόρησε τον τότε πρόεδρο των ΗΠΑ Ρίτσαρντ Νίξον για ανάμιξη στο σκάνδαλο Γουότεργκεϊτ έχει τίτλο «Gaslit». Τον όρο είδαμε επίσης σε ένα πολυσυζητημένο άρθρο της Teen Vogue από το 2016: «Ο Ντόναλντ Τραμπ κάνει “gaslighting” στην Αμερική».


Άλλα δημοφιλή λήμματα του Merriam-Webster για το 2022 ήταν αυτό για τη λέξη «ολιγάρχης» που άρχισε να προκαλεί το ενδιαφέρον του κόσμου μετά την εισβολή της Ρωσίας στην Ουκρανία αλλά και το «βασιλική σύζυγος» που είναι και ο επίσημος τίτλος της Καμίλα, τώρα που ο Κάρολος ανέλαβε πλέον τον θρόνο της Μεγάλης Βρετανίας. Ανάμεσα στις δημοφιλής λέξεις, ήταν και μία ελληνική: «όμικρον», όπως δηλαδή και η ομώνυμη παραλλαγή της Covid-19.

Για το λεξικό Collins, πάλι, λέξη της χρονιάς ήταν το «permacrisis» (δηλαδή, «μονιμοκρίση»), ένας όρος που είναι επίσης πιο επίκαιρος από ποτέ, σε μία εποχή που οι κρίσεις είναι απανωτές, είτε είναι υγειονομικές, είτε περιβαλλοντικές, είτε πολιτικές.

Με πληροφορίες από την Washington Post.



ΠΗΓΗ: