Friday, 31 January 2025

Cracking the joke



Dr Gil Greengross rethinks the health benefits of humour and laughter.

27 January 2025


When the famed journalist and author Norman Cousins was diagnosed with a severe form of arthritis, his doctors gave him only 1 in 500 chance of recovery. Unfazed, he developed an unusual way to combat the disease. Along with megadoses of Vitamin C, he decided that laughter would aid his healing. Cousins watched funny shows such as Candid Camera and numerous comedy films (he was a big fan of the Marx Brothers).

Cousins claimed that laughter had an analgetic effect on him, enabling him to sleep pain-free. Though he later downplayed the role of humour and laugher in his recovery and acknowledged that conventional medicine likely cured him (he took every medicine prescribed by his doctors), Cousins' 1979 book, Anatomy of an Illness as Perceived by the Patient, lunched the laughter therapy movement(Cousins, 1979).

Since Cousins publicised his experiences with laughter therapy, many have joined the 'humour is healthy' bandwagon. You've probably seen headlines about the healing power of humour. Many books, websites, and organisations (e.g., the Association for Applied and Therapeutic Humor) promote this idea, promising that more laughter and humour in your life will lead to better health.

Over the years, advocates have suggested that humour can reduce pain, boost the immune system, improve cardiovascular function, and even cure cancer and AIDS (Martin, 2001; Martin, 2008). Some of these claims are extraordinary – and it's easy to connect humour to any health issue. We also need to be clear what we're talking about here – there are times when we smile or laugh without humour, or find something funny without smiling and laughing. And humour also has a dark side – it can be used to mock others or perpetuate racism and sexism.

Despite these nuances, for most people, humour is a positive experience, and humour, smiling and laughter typically occur together. Each is believed to contribute uniquely to our health. We cannot rely on anecdotal evidence, like Cousins' experience. But there is a fair amount of research on the topic that merits attention, beginning with the effects of humour on the immune system.
Humour and the immune system

There is some evidence that watching a humorous film can boost immunity and reduce allergic reactions (Kimata, 2004a). Typical studies measure changes in allergic responses or antibodies before and after participants are exposed to humour, comparing them to a non-humorous control. A few studies have found increased immune responses after watching a funny film. Interestingly, these effects are not exclusive to humour – they are also observed when people listen to classical music or feel sadness (Martin & Ford, 2018). Conversely, moderate stress, like writing an email or playing video games, tends to suppress the immune response, increasing allergic reactions (Kimata, 2004b).

However, the effects of humour on immunity are often overstated. For example, one highly cited study found that watching 60-minute comedy video increases the production of several immunity-related components, such as natural killer cells, compared to the control group who quietly sat in a room for an hour (Berk et al., 1989). This study received significant media attention at the time and is frequently referenced by proponents of 'humour is healthy' movement. Yet, what is rarely mentioned is that the experimental and control groups each included only five participants The authors reported their results transparently, but this highlights how easily humour's health effects can be exaggerated.
Humour and pain relief

Perhaps the most robust evidence for humour's therapeutic effects lies in its ability to reduce pain. Exposure to humorous content, such as funny films, tends to increase pain tolerance. A common method involves the Cold Pressor Test, where participants immerse their hand in ice water for as long as they can tolerate. Changes in blood pressure and heart rate are often measured alongside.

Interestingly, neutral stimuli like relaxation music or lectures can yield similar increases in pain tolerance as listening to a comedy performance (Cogan et al., 1987). Importantly, the analgetic effect of humour is tied to genuine emotional response. Researchers distinguish between Duchenne smiles and laughter (associated with genuine joy) and fake smiles and laughter. Only genuine laughter stimulates endorphins release, which provide pain relief (Dunbar et al., 2012; Zweyer et al., 2004).

So, while Cousins' experiences were anecdotal, his claim that laughter relieved his pain has some validity. However, it wasn't laughter itself, but the accompanying mirthful emotional response that provided relief. Moreover, such effects are short-lived; Cousins himself acknowledged that laughter gave him only two pain-free hours of sleep.
Other health claims about laughter

Many people believe in the healing power of laughter, and its alleged health benefits gained popularity when an Indian doctor, Madan Kataria, created the first laughter yoga club in 1995. Since its introduction, numerous laughter clubs have been established worldwide, where people gather to laugh as much as possible – even in the absence of humorous stimuli – in the hope of improving their health and happiness.

Proponents of laughter yoga claim that laughing offers many health benefits, but studies on the topic are riddled with methodological problems and low-quality evidence. Overall, the conclusion is that there is insufficient proof to support claims that laughter contributes significantly to mental health (Bressington et al., 2018).

Take for example, the popular claim that laughter functions as a form of aerobic exercise, comparable to intense exercise (Fry Jr., 1992). According to this idea, several minutes of intense laughter – common amongst laughter yoga clubs – can increase heart rate and oxygen consumption, purportedly matching the benefits of using rowing machine or stationary bike for 10-15 minutes. Laugh a lot, and you will have an excuse to skip your morning gym session.

However, lab studies using indirect calorimeter to measure energy expenditure show that natural laughter with friends only increases energy expenditure by 10–20 per cent compared to resting values, burning a maximum of 40 calories (Buchowski et al., 2007). This is equivalent to light activities such as writing or playing cards – not what most of us envision when trying to get into shape. Even when participants are asked to laugh deliberately (as in laughter yoga), calorimeter readings indicate they burn about 3 calories per minute – similar to shaving or cleaning the house (though likely more enjoyable than either of those activities).
Humour and longevity

One curious claim is that humour can prolong life. Like many other proposed health benefits of humour, this claim seems reasonable and, on the surface, makes sense. Being cheerful, having a humorous outlook on life, and laughing frequently could potentially add years to our lives. However, as with many other claims, the evidence does not support this idea.

In the famous and longest-running longitudinal study in psychology, the Terman Study of the Gifted, initiated in 1921, researchers followed gifted children for decades. They found that kids rated by their parents and teachers as having a better sense of humour were more likely to smoke, drink alcohol, and die younger than those with less humour (Friedman et al., 1993). Since this is a correlational study, many confounding factors could be at play. More humorous and cheerful children also tended to be less neurotic, which have led them to take health risks less seriously, engage in riskier behaviours, and discount the dangers of their unhealthy choices compared to their less cheerful peers.

Consistent with this research, which shows that individuals with a greater sense of humor tend to engage in less healthy lifestyle behaviors, another (much shorter) longitudinal study of Finnish police officers found that higher scores on humor scales were associated with greater obesity, increased smoking, and higher risk factors for cardiovascular disease (Kerkkanen et al., 2004).

Comedians might be a useful group to study, as they use humour more often than most people. However, the findings are quite consistent, showing that comedians and comedy writers die younger than actors and other celebrities who aren't entertainers (Rotton, 1992; Stewart & Thompson, 2015; Stewart et al., 2016). In comedy duos, the 'funny man' is significantly more likely to die younger than the 'straight man' (Stewart & Thompson, 2015). As with any correlational study, confounding variables likely play a role. Comedians are more prone to unhealthy lifestyles, drug use, and social pressure, all of which could affect their health more significantly than their sense of humour.

In my own research into improv artists, I found that they report more infectious diseases compared to a matched sample from the general population. This study controlled for factors such as age, BMI, antibiotic use, and neuroticism, a known trait affecting self-reported health (Greengross & Martin, 2018). As with stand-up comedians, it is likely that improv artists experience more frequent social interactions, higher stress, and extensive work-related travel, all of which negatively impact their health, leaving humour with little measurable effect on their well-being.

Most research on longevity and humour has focused on people with either exceptional intelligence (gifted children) or exceptional humour ability (comedians and improv artists). But what about the health benefits of humour for more ordinary people? In one longitudinal study of patients with kidney failure, those with a humorous outlook on life had 31 per cent higher odds of surviving after two years (Svebak et al., 2006). While this suggests that humour might serve as a useful coping mechanism, caution is warranted, as the study included only 41 patients.

Another longitudinal study with a much larger sample of over 50,000 people, followed participants for 15 years. It found that only the cognitive component of humour (i.e., recognising that a humorous event occurs) was associated with lower mortality; the social (saying funny things, making others laugh) and affective (being a mirthful person, having a humorous outlook on life) components showed no effect (Romundstad et al., 2016). Moreover, the association was driven entirely by low-scoring women dying earlier, while high-humour men and women did not live longer. Such findings are, at best, tentative and inconclusive regarding humour's potential health benefits.
The long-lasting effect of a smile

What about the potential health benefits of smiling? Smiling can be seen as a milder form of laughter, lacking most of the physiological changes associated with it. However, smiling may serve as an indicator of positive feelings and, more broadly, a positive attitude toward life –both of which could potentially lead to better health.

One study examined the photographs of 196 baseball players featured in a 1952 baseball almanac (Abel & Kruger, 2010). Decades later, the researchers categorised the intensity and authenticity of their players' smiles and tracked down their survival. After controlling for demographic variables such as age, education, marital status, BMI, and career length, they found that players with more intense Duchenne (genuine) smiles lived longer and were half as likely to die in any given year compared to those with fake or no smiles.

While these findings are encouraging, a subsequent replication study with a much larger sample from the same almanac failed to find any association between smiling and mortality after accounting for birth year (Dufner et al., 2018). Despite its more rigorous methodology, this study has far fewer citations and has received significantly less attention from the media. The earlier study showing positive results, garners more interest – perhaps because people are drawn to the idea of the healing power of smiling.

But not all is lost when it comes to smiling. Another study analysed the smile intensity of individuals in college yearbooks from 1945-2005 and found that those with Duchenne smiles were less likely to divorce decades later (Hertenstein et al., 2009). As with other correlational studies, the exact mechanism behind the association is unclear. It could be that happier people smile more, which helps them navigate marital conflicts and endure long-term relationships. Alternatively, smiley people may have more positive attitudes, allowing them to attract partners who foster stable relationships. Your guess is as good as mine.
Extraordinary claims need extraordinary evidence

There are many popular beliefs about how humour and laughter can make us healthier. I hope this review has highlighted some of the nuances surrounding humour and health. The picture is more complicated than it is often portrayed, and there is little solid evidence to suggest that humour and laughter have significant health benefits. Most claims of health benefits are exaggerated, making for appealing media stories, but much of the research in this area is methodologically flawed. These studies often lack proper controls, rely on correlational data, use small samples, and, above all, demonstrate only small, short-term effects with no clear clinical significance.

Some may ask, 'OK, so the alleged health benefits of humour are inflated – what's the harm?' While humour may seem innocuous, there are potential downsides to believing it can significantly improve health. Comedy may give hope to people desperate to feel better, but it's clearly no substitute for clinically proven treatments.

Second, oversimplification around the health benefits of humour and laughter may discourage researchers from conducting studies in the field, fearing their findings could be distorted by the media or exploited for commercial purposes. As scientists, we must remain open to new ideas while demanding rigorous research that addresses the shortcomings of much of the current work in the field. The same scepticism should apply (Martin & Ford, 2018) to research which extends beyond health benefits to claim that humour facilitate learning, aids memory retention, increases productivity, and more. Extraordinary claims about the power of humour require extraordinary evidence.
Laugh for very joy…

In 1925, some scientists predicted that, in 100 years there would be nothing left in the world to laugh about ("We'll Laugh for Very Joy," 1925). Thankfully, they were wrong – there are still countless reasons to embrace humour. There is strong evidence that humour is beneficial for mental health, primarily as a coping mechanism to reduce stress. Humour also enhances social relationships and is an attractive trait in potential mates. Even if it doesn't make us significantly healthier, it's fun and enriching, and we should enjoy it for its own sake. But as psychologists, it is only through more robust research that we will ensure the joke isn't on us.Dr Gil Greengross is a Lecturer in Psychology at Aberystwyth University.

The Editor of The Psychologist, Dr Jon Sutton, is a Trustee for the Big Difference charity, who run the Leicester Comedy Festival and UK Kids Comedy Festival. The events take place 5-23 February. If you have a psychological perspective on comedy (particularly live) and humour, he would love to hear from you on jon.sutton@bps.org.uk.
References

Abel, E. L., & Kruger, M. L. (2010). Smile Intensity in Photographs Predicts Longevity. Psychological Science, 21(4), 542–544.

Berk, L. S., Tan, S. A., Fry, W. F., Napier, B. J., Lee, J. W., Hubbard, R. W., Lewis, J. E., & Eby, W. C. (1989). Neuroendocrine and stress hormone changes during mirthful laughter. The American Journal of the Medical Sciences, 298, 390-396.

Bressington, D., Yu, C., Wong, W., Ng, T. C., & Chien, W. T. (2018). The effects of group‐based Laughter Yoga interventions on mental health in adults: A systematic review. Journal of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing, 25(8), 517-527.

Buchowski, M., Majchrzak, K., Blomquist, K., Chen, K., Byrne, D., & Bachorowski, J. (2007). Energy expenditure of genuine laughter. International Journal of Obesity, 31(1), 131-137.

Cogan, R., Cogan, D., Waltz, W., & McCue, M. (1987). Effects of laughter and relaxation on discomfort thresholds. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 10(2), 139-144.

Cousins, N. (1979). Anatomy of an illness as perceived by the patient: reflexions on healing and regeneration. W. W. Norton and Co.

Dufner, M., Brümmer, M., Chung, J. M., Drewke, P. M., Blaison, C., & Schmukle, S. C. (2018). Does smile intensity in photographs really predict longevity? A replication and extension of Abel and Kruger (2010). Psychological Science, 29(1), 147-153.

Dunbar, R. I., Baron, R., Frangou, A., Pearce, E., Van Leeuwen, E. J., Stow, J., Partridge, G., MacDonald, I., Barra, V., & Van Vugt, M. (2012). Social laughter is correlated with an elevated pain threshold. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 279(1731), 1161-1167.

Friedman, H. S., Tucker, J. S., Tomlinson-Keasey, C., Schwartz, J. E., Wingard, D. L., & Criqui, M. H. (1993). Does childhood personality predict longevity? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65(1), 176-185.

Fry Jr., W. F. (1992). The physiologic effects of humor, mirth, and laughter. Journal of the American Medical Association, 267(13), 1857-1858.

Greengross, G., & Martin, R. A. (2018). Health among comedy performers: Susceptibility to contagious diseases among improvisational artists. HUMOR: International Journal of Humor Research, 31(3), 491-505.

Hertenstein, M. J., Hansel, C. A., Butts, A. M., & Hile, S. N. (2009). Smile intensity in photographs predicts divorce later in life. Motivation and Emotion, 33(2), 99-105. 10.1007/s11031-009-9124-6

Kerkkanen, P., Kuiper, N. A., & Martin, R. A. (2004). Sense of humor, physical health, and well-being at work: A three-year longitudinal study of Finnish police officers. Humor: International Journal of Humor Research, 17(1), 21-35.

Kimata, H. (2004a). Differential effects of laughter on allergen-specific immunoglobulin and neurotrophin levels in tears. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 98(3), 901-908.

Kimata, H. (2004b). Laughter counteracts enhancement of plasma neurotrophin levels and allergic skin wheal responses by mobile phone—mediated stress. Behavioral Medicine, 29(4), 149-154.

Martin, R. A. (2001). Humor, Laughter, and Physical Health: Methodological issues and Research Findings. Psychological Bulletin, 127(4), 504-519.

Martin, R. A. (2008). Humor and health. In V. Raskin (Ed.), The primer of humor research (pp. 479-522). Mouton de Gruyter.

Martin, R. A., & Ford, T. (2018). The psychology of humor: An integrative approach (Second ed.). Academic press.

Romundstad, S., Svebak, S., Holen, A., & Holmen, J. (2016). A 15-year follow-up study of sense of humor and causes of mortality: the Nord-Trøndelag Health Study. Psychosomatic Medicine, 78(3), 345-353.

Rotton, J. (1992). Trait humor and longevity: Do comics have the last laugh? Health Psychology, 11(4), 262-266.

Stewart, S., & Thompson, D. R. (2015). Does comedy kill? A retrospective, longitudinal cohort, nested case–control study of humour and longevity in 53 British comedians. International Journal of Cardiology, 180, 258-261.

Stewart, S., Wiley, J. F., McDermott, C. J., & Thompson, D. R. (2016). Is the last "man" standing in comedy the least funny? A retrospective cohort study of elite stand-up comedians versus other entertainers. International Journal of Cardiology, 220, 789-793.

Svebak, S., Kristoffersen, B., & Aasarød, K. (2006). Sense of humor and survival among a county cohort of patients with end-stage renal failure: a two-year prospective study. The International Journal of Psychiatry in Medicine, 36(3), 269-281.

We'll Laugh for Very Joy. (1925, Jan 26). Herald and Review.

Zweyer, K., Velker, B., & Ruch, W. (2004). Do cheerfulness, exhilaration, and humor production moderate pain tolerance? A FACS study. HUMOR: International Journal of Humor Research., 17(1/2), 85-120.


SOURCE:

Friday, 24 January 2025

How do you change the behaviour of the world?



Psychology found its way into Covid policy in several ways. But did it work? Jack Andrews looked at the research…

02 January 2025


We all know that changing our behaviour isn't easy – and changing the behaviour of others is even harder. Whether it's convincing someone to exercise more, quit smoking or follow a healthier diet, human habits are notoriously difficult to budge. An even greater challenge is how to change the behaviour of a population.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, this was perhaps the biggest job of all. In many ways, it's now clear that the pandemic was as much a behavioural emergency as it was a medical one: Whilst vaccines and treatments were being developed in record time, changes to how we live, work and interact were needed immediately. Governments were tasked with convincing billions of people to stay at home, to avoid seeing friends and family, to mask up, and to literally roll up their sleeves.

Nearly five years ago, in April 2020, just a few months into the pandemic, Jay van Bavel – a social psychologist at New York University – published a landmark paper aimed at helping those in power do just that. Bavel and colleagues' paper was influential as it made clear that governments couldn't rely solely on rules and regulations; they needed to motivate the public to follow them.

In doing so, they proposed 19 behavioural principles – policies that were rooted in decades of psychological research and designed to help guide the public's response to the pandemic. Many of these principles were adopted by governments around the world, in the hope that psychology might help 'nudge' us, or even shove us, towards safer behaviours. These principles took many forms, from encouraging a shared sense of identity – 'we're all in this together' type thinking – to targeting fake news and misinformation.

These questions were especially important to my own research, on adolescent social development and mental health. Could we really get young people to stick to these restrictions? And to what extent were the huge social sacrifices being asked of young people worth it in the long run? These unknown questions were hugely important to understand and to collect data on, and to understand what policies worked and were worth implementing.

So, my interest was piqued, and it wasn't too long before I found myself in the unusual position of having first-hand experience of very different approaches to the behavioural principles in action…
Support for the claims

In March 2021, I left a rainy, locked-down London and took an eerily empty flight to Australia to start a research job in Sydney, which involved examining the impact of the pandemic on adolescent mental health. After spending two weeks in hotel quarantine, and a lot of questionable meals later, I was let out to a lockdown-free Sydney. However, Australia's strict border rules and their initial zero-Covid approach began to fail. Soon Sydney, and other parts of the country, enacted their own lockdowns and approaches to controlling the spread of the virus.

A year since I moved, and still in the throws of the pandemic, myself and several other psychological and behavioural scientists from around the world joined together to try and assess the impact of the claims made in the Bavel paper. Led by Kai Ruggeri – an expert in the behaviour of populations at Columbia University – we wanted to know if the claims made were based on evidence. And when put to the test, how well did these strategies impact real-world outcomes during the pandemic?

Our findings, which were published in 2023 in the journal Nature, found evidence in direct support of 16 of the claims made in the Bavel paper, which fell into a number of broad categories, including a sense of identity, trust and leadership, messaging and language, and misinformation.

What's important here, though, is that the evidence we found took many forms. It came in various degrees of quality. Some were more robust, more trustworthy, and that has wider implications for the impact Psychology can have – around public health emergencies, and more broadly.
A sense of identity

Early in the pandemic headlines such as 'Coronavirus means we really are, finally, all in this together' (taken from The Guardian in 2020), proliferated the media. The pandemic cultivated a shared experience, or as psychologists call it, a shared social identity. This is the idea that our sense of belonging to a group can powerfully shape our behaviour. Social identity theory suggests that when individuals see themselves as part of a collective with shared goals, they are more likely to act in ways that benefit the group.

In the case of the pandemic, social identity theory would predict that if Governments harnessed this 'we're all in this together' mentality the public would be more motivated to adhere to public health messages, mask-wearing, social distancing and vaccination. And many governments did indeed adopt messaging that focused on collective identity, urging citizens to 'protect each other' or 'do their part' to stop the spread of the virus. For example, in the UK the Department of Health and Social Care used the slogan 'Stay at home, save lives', running across TV, radio and social media.

When assessing the evidence for this approach, we found that most studies showed positive associations between collective identity and people's engagement in prosocial – Covid-safe – behaviours. However, the studies that existed were primarily based on surveys and controlled experiments, rather than real-world assessments where observable outcomes, such as actual changes in behaviour, could be measured. For example, most studies focused on people's intentions to act in ways that might benefit others. Studies did find that people who felt a stronger sense of national or community identity were more likely to report intentions to follow public health recommendations.

However, it's all well and good having these positive intentions, but we all know that our intentions don't always translate to actions. Nudging people to behave differently by making social comparisons has, though, been proven to be effective in several other areas.

For example, in one trial from 2017, the Department of Health in Australia found that GPs were most likely to reduce the number of antibiotics they prescribed if sent a letter comparing their prescribing behaviour to their peers – to other GPs in their local area who were prescribing less. In the context of Covid-19, however, there was a lack of real-world studies exploring this nudging behaviour, leaving us to speculate on its impact as an effective strategy.
Trust and leadership

Although the evidence around collective identity was generally positive, it's also important to acknowledge that promoting this 'we're all in this together' thinking can sometimes backfire, especially among polarised or fragmented societies. Think the USA. This approach is, therefore, likely to work best when messages resonate across social and political divides. It also goes without saying that this approach can easily be undermined when leaders break their own rules, as we saw happen in the UK.

This raises the important issue of trust, in our leaders and trust in our scientists. We found evidence to support the view that identifying trusted sources (including politicians) to share public health messages would be effective. We also found evidence – although limited – that if leaders themselves promote the idea that cooperating is the right thing to do, and make it clear that others are already cooperating, people will more likely follow the rules.
Messaging and language

In contexts where political divides strongly influence health behaviour, highlighting consensus among leaders across the political spectrum has the potential to increase compliance with important public health measures. Evidence from controlled experiments suggests that bipartisan support – strong agreement between opposing political parties – was associated with greater public engagement in health messaging. This idea of putting politics aside was also publicly urged by Tedros Ghebreyesus, the Director General of the WHO:


'This is not the one to use for politics. It's like playing with fire… Please work across party lines, across ideology, across beliefs, across any differences for that matter. We need to behave. That's how we can defeat this virus.'

In societies that prioritise individual freedom over communal security, enforcing restrictive measures poses significant challenges. For example, evidence suggests that adherence to collective health measures, like lockdowns and mask mandates, was lower in more individualistic countries. This points to the potential benefit of framing public health messaging in ways that resonate with individualistic values. For instance, highlighting 'freedom from disease' as a positive outcome of compliance might align better with the values of individual autonomy and personal choice in these societies, potentially improving adherence.

Interestingly, when we assessed the claim that public health messaging that focused on protecting others would be persuasive, we found no support for this. Indeed, observational studies in real-world contexts where messages highlighted either self-protection or the protection of others surprisingly did not, consistently, lead to behaviour change. One possible reason for this is the constantly shifting risk levels and frequent updates to public health recommendations, which may have left people struggling to adapt.
Misinformation

One of the most pervasive challenges during the pandemic was misinformation, intersecting with nearly every aspect of the public health response. False claims that the vaccines could alter your DNA or even contain a microchip were prevalent. This misinformation was perhaps most salient on social media, and companies such as TikTok claimed to take down over 250,000 videos for Covid-misinformation.

Our review of the evidence around 'inoculation' against misinformation – a psychological approach that involves exposing people to weakened forms of misinformation along with accurate information and rebuttals – revealed some of the most robust, positive findings. Both lab-based experiments and real-world studies supported the effectiveness of this approach, showing medium-sized positive effects in reducing susceptibility to conspiracy thinking, fake news, and other types of Covid-19-related misinformation.

In particular, the spread of fake news had a significant impact on vaccine hesitancy. Survey data and correlational studies indicated that exposure to misinformation contributed to increased reluctance and refusal to vaccinate. These effects were especially pronounced within communities already sceptical of government interventions, underscoring the importance of building and maintaining public trust in leaders. Therefore, these findings suggest that effective public health strategies must not only communicate accurate information but also actively counteract misinformation to ensure the public's trust and compliance with health guidelines.
Cultures and contexts

Our findings showed that many studies made general claims without specifying exactly what they expected to find or offered vague advice that made it difficult for policymakers to act. In the future, we as psychologists and behavioural scientists, need to be clear about our hypotheses and to create ones that are specific enough to produce actionable policy outcomes. The pandemic has shown us that this is more challenging than it seems, especially when there are so many unknowns.

Importantly, much of the evidence we assessed came from WEIRD samples – people who are Western, Educated, Industrialised, Rich, and Democratic. This means that findings often weren't applicable to the global south or other regions with vastly different social and economic contexts. Going forward we need to ensure our findings reflect diverse populations so that policy recommendations are relevant across cultures and contexts.

Interestingly, we also found that much of the behavioural research during the pandemic was focused on psychological constructs. Things like beliefs, identities and perceptions. There was less attention given to the real-life barriers people face. This led us to recommend that in the future, we take an 'inside-out and outside-in' approach.

This is where we don't just focus on the psychology of compliance, but also look at structural factors like access to healthcare, the internet, and how legislation affects behaviour. People's choices aren't made in a vacuum: we know that they are shaped by their environment, and future policies need to reflect that.

Related to this, we need to be careful to avoid the 'streetlight effect': studying something just because it's easy to, but not what really matters. We need to go beyond relying on WEIRD samples, and online surveys. We need to study the people that are most affected by public health issues, and who would benefit most from interventions, not just those who respond to an online survey.

And as with all areas of science, null results need to be taken seriously – highlighted, not swept under the rug. When we find that something might not work, it's crucial to recognise that and not keep throwing resources at it – especially when those resources we do have are so limited. For example, while hundreds of studies focused on promoting handwashing, the real impact came from interventions like masking and vaccination.
Beyond the pandemic

As much as behavioural science was used during the pandemic to guide policy decisions, what we've learnt from this also has the potential to tackle other pressing issues such as climate change or economic inequalities. With the example of climate change, tackling it will require not only scientific solutions but also a major shift in people's daily habits. Drawing on the evidence we evaluated from the pandemic, it's clear that behavioural science, and psychology more broadly, have the potential to guide the development of campaigns that would help lead people to make more sustainable choices and to make these choices feel desirable.

This approach also has the potential to transform how we deal with other issues of public health. Behavioural science could inform better strategies for managing other issues like obesity, substance abuse, or mental health. However, for these interventions to be effective they need to be rigorously tested and tailored to fit diverse communities: the research we evaluated rarely had a good grounding in real-world evidence. We also know from countless examples that one-size-fits-all approaches rarely work.

In short, our findings show that behavioural science offers the potential to inform policies across a range of issues important to us all – but such an approach should always be grounded in quality, representative research. That said, whilst behavioural science provided us with essential guidance, we cannot lose sight of the huge sacrifices we all made during the pandemic – the isolation, loss, and new ways of living. These experiences had vastly different impacts on each of us, some of which are still unknown.

Effective policymaking is, therefore, not just about data, but also about weighing up the impact that these policies have on each of us, for better or worse. And the challenge really comes when these impacts are hard, or even impossible, to quantify.

Dr Jack Andrews is a Wellcome Trust Early-Career Fellow in the Department of Experimental Psychology at the University of Oxford and a Stevenson Junior Research Fellow at University College, Oxford.
Key sources

Ruggeri, K., Stock, F., Haslam, S.A., et al. (2024). A synthesis of evidence for policy from behavioural science during COVID-19. Nature, 625(7993), 134-147.

Bavel, J.J.V., Baicker, K., Boggio, P.S., et al. (2020). Using social and behavioural science to support COVID-19 pandemic response. Nature human behaviour, 4(5), 460-471.

Kerr, J., Panagopoulos, C. & Van Der Linden, S. (2021). Political polarization on COVID-19 pandemic response in the United States. Personality and individual differences, 179, 110892.

van Der Linden, S., Roozenbeek, J. & Compton, J. (2020). Inoculating against fake news about COVID-19. Frontiers in psychology, 11, 566790.


SOURCE:

Tuesday, 21 January 2025

Τα παιδιά μας μια μέρα θα γίνουν σύντροφοι κάποιου- 5 φράσεις που τους διδάσκουν το “μαζί” στο σπίτι


THE MAMAGERS TEAM20 ΙΑΝΟΥΑΡΙΟΥ, 2025




Μαθαίνουμε στα παιδιά μας δεξιότητες που θα τους βοηθήσουν να γίνουν μια μέρα καλοί σύντροφοι; Τα μαθαίνουμε ότι πέρα από τις υποχρεώσεις τους στο σχολείο και στο σπίτι, υπάρχουν κι άλλες που δεν τις βλέπουν; Τα μαθαίνουμε να σκέφτονται και να παίρνουν πρωτοβουλίες για να λειτουργεί σωστά ένα νοικοκυριό;


Αν για παράδειγμα, έχουμε μάθει τα παιδιά να καθαρίζουν το δωμάτιό τους, τα έχουμε μάθει ότι χρειάζεται ενέργεια για τον προγραμματισμό για όλες τις δουλειές; Για να είναι γεμάτο το ψυγείο, να λειτουργεί σωστά το κλιματιστικό, να γεμίσει το πλυντήριο ή να υπάρχουν απορρυπαντικά στο σπίτι;

Εννοείται ότι τα μικρά παιδιά δεν μπορούν να έχουν ευθύνη για όλα αυτά, όμως καλό είναι να μαθαίνουν από μικρή ηλικία ότι οικογένεια σημαίνει “μοιράζομαι” και μοιράζομαι σημαίνει σκέφτομαι όσο και ο άλλος για τις δουλειές του σπιτιού.

Αυτές οι 5 φράσεις μπορούν να τα βοηθήσουν να καταλάβουν καλύτερα το “μαζί” στις δουλειές του σπιτιού και στο δίκαιο μοίρασμα των ευθυνών:“Όταν δεν μαζεύεις τα παιχνίδια σου, ποιος το κάνει;”
“Είμαστε ομάδα και πρέπει όλοι μαζί να δουλέψουμε για να είναι το σπίτι καθαρό”
“Ποιο είναι το επόμενο βήμα για να κάνεις… αυτή τη δουλειά;”
“Έψαξες πριν με ρωτήσεις που είναι οι κάλτσες σου; Πώς ψάχνεις σωστά;”
“Όταν σου εξηγώ ξανά και ξανά πώς γίνεται, ξοδεύω ενέργεια. Θέλεις να μου δείξεις πώς το έκανες μέχρι τώρα και αν μπορώ να σε βοηθήσω;”


ΠΗΓΗ:

Neurodiversity in the tech industry


Colt, Nokia, Samsung, and Vodafone took part in this global study, which suggests an urgent need for more equitable and inclusive workplaces

11 December 2023





Illustration by Modern Activity, base photo by Priscilla Du Preez on Unsplash



The largest global workplace survey on neurodiversity to date in the tech sector reveals that nearly half of neurodivergent employees feel impacted by their neurodivergent conditions, at least on most days, in the workplace. A quarter disclosed that they were impacted every day. The study highlights key challenges for neurodivergent employees and points to improvements in the workplace environment, culture and systems that would make workplaces more accessible and inclusive.

The study explores the intricate social dynamics within company culture and workplace systems that impact neurodivergent individuals’ experiences. It was carried out by the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations (TIHR) and Inner Ambitions on behalf of the #ChangeTheFace Alliance.Read the study

#ChangeTheFace is a collaborative initiative uniting leading global tech companies, since 2021, to champion diversity, equality/equity, and inclusion within the tech industry. Four companies from the Alliance took part in the study: Colt, Nokia, Samsung, and Vodafone.

The research incorporates findings from an online survey with 2,176 respondents across the four participating companies, with 1,425 neurotypical, 562 neurodivergent, and 189 who were unsure or preferred not to disclose. The researchers also conducted a systematic literature review, validation workshop and three focus groups with employees in the four companies.
How do workplace environments impact neurodivergent employees?

The new research found that company culture and workplace systems can create barriers for neurodivergent people throughout their employee journey, from recruitment to everyday working life, and career advancement.

Notably, more than half of those who self-reported as neurodivergent, refrained from disclosing their condition(s), because they lacked a formal diagnosis (55%) or did not see the value in disclosing it (53%). The researchers suggest that this means companies should create organisational environments that make support available, regardless of whether staff have disclosed their neurodivergence or whether they have a formal diagnosis. Supportive working conditions would also help in making disclosure and seeking support worth the effort and risk, the researchers said.
Four pivotal findings

The research highlighted four key findings for the tech sector, relevant to socio-technical systems thinking, that could support the development of more neurodiverse, inclusive, and accessible workplaces where all employees can thrive.The need for more psychological safety and trust: Organisations must foster psychological safety and trust to make workplaces more supportive of neurodivergent employees’ mental well-being, minimising the need to mask.
Workplace adjustments exist in a wider social context: Organisations need to critically evaluate the impact of their culture on neurodivergent employees and make the necessary adjustments to provide effective support. Many impediments to neurodiversity, equity, and inclusion are rooted in human behaviour.
Systemic barriers to support: Support should be accessible without a formal diagnosis or disclosure, promoting neurodiverse inclusivity and accessibility. Organisations should proactively offer support options to make the workplace more accessible for neurodivergent individuals.
Neurodiversity equity and inclusion hinges on supportive allyship: Organisations must invest in awareness training to foster a culture of allyship and understanding of neurodiversity.




“This was a substantial piece of work and on a topic which seems crucial to the future of the workplace. Supporting neurodiversity equity and inclusion are so important if we want to be in a world where differences are recognised, celebrated and supported. As ever, the best support is rooted in shifts in organisational systems and culture, so we are delighted with the positive reception of this research from the industry. The findings really underscore the urgency for systemic changes within the tech sector and beyond.”


Dr David Drabble, Senior Researcher and Consultant, TIHR


“Our mission at #ChangeTheFace is clear — to work together as an industry to catalyse positive change for a more diverse and inclusive tech sector. Our new insights aim to support the industry to drive positive change, so we can take action to remove barriers in the workplace for neurodivergent employees and create a more accessible and inclusive future for everyone.”


Serpil Timuray, CEO Europe Cluster, Vodafone Group and #ChangeTheFace Alliance Chair
Selected survey findings with workplace culture implications
1. Reasons why neurodivergent employees don’t disclose

More than half of those who self-reported as neurodivergent, did not disclose their condition(s), because they lacked a formal diagnosis (55%) or did not see the value in disclosing it (53%). Around a quarter or respondents cited a fear of stigma (27%) or reduced career opportunities (24%).
2. Mental health

The survey found that on average, neurodivergent employees rated their mental health worse than neurotypical colleagues, with 15% of neurodivergent individuals rating their mental health as poor or very poor, compared to 2% for neurotypical colleagues.
3. Findings related to asking for adjustments

Only 9% of neurodivergent employees had requested an adjustment or support at work, with the majority of those disclosing their condition. Of the majority that did not ask for adjustments, 61% did not think they needed any. And a third (32%) were worried about how it would look, and 29% did not know what to ask for.
4. Workplace barriers

Neurodivergent employees also cited a range of challenges they typically faced at work, ranging from navigating the hiring process, day-to-day work and social interactions, and transitioning careers. All of which are undergirded by the need for stronger allyship. Hiring — In every area surveyed, neurodivergent employees found the hiring process more challenging than neurotypical employees. Nearly four in ten (39%) found salary-related discussions challenging, along with typical recruitment situations like attending face-to-face interviews (21%).
Workplace interactions — Around half of neurodivergent employees felt overwhelmed by distractions in the office (49%) compared to 14% for neurotypical employees. Other challenges included being unable to mentally prepare fully for meetings (30%), not feeling valued (25%) or included (18%) or feeling judged by colleagues (19%).

Fig.1 workplace interactions
Day-to-day — Neurodivergent employees identified their biggest day-to-day challenges as managing workload (46%), looking after their well-being (44%), having long meetings without breaks (43%) and time management (38%).

Fig.2 day-to-day challenges
Career transitions — A smaller proportion of neurodivergent employees had been promoted (42%), compared to 56% of neurotypical employees.
Allyship — Overall, about two-thirds (64%) of neurodivergent respondents wished for more effort and allyship from their neurotypical colleagues to understand neurodiversity. 46% of respondents said they wanted to have ‘unwritten rules’ in the office explained to them, and 44% wished that their colleagues would recognise when to leave them alone. At the same time, neurotypical employees also recognised the need for more awareness training (78%), better knowledge of available accommodations for their neurodivergent colleagues (53%) and more senior leadership role-modelling of inclusive behaviours (44%).

Fig.3 Desired allyship support


The #ChangeTheFace Alliance is urging organisations to reevaluate and reconfigure their ways of working to foster more neurodiverse, equitable, and inclusive environments.



Click the link above to download and read the report Neurodiversity in the tech sector: Global research on accessibility, barriers and how companies can do better — A report for the #ChangeTheFace Alliance, December 2023. By Dr David Drabble, Elyce Cole, Anna Sophie Hahne, Lanre Sulola and Dr Joe Cullen.

For media inquiries and information, please contact Lucy Lloyd: l.lloyd@tavinstitute.org

SOURCE:

Blindsight colour perception opens up new questions about vision



Could survival-related visual processing be conserved in blindsight? A new case study offers exciting hints.

10 January 2025

By Emma Young


For you to read these words, signals from your eyes must pass through a region of your brain called the primary visual cortex (also known as V1). Without V1, you'd be 'cortically blind' and you'd see nothing. But as classic research from the 1970s showed, some people with severe damage to V1, who have no awareness of seeing anything at all, can remarkably still respond to some visual stimuli. They might do better than chance at identifying whether a ball is appearing on their left or their right, for example — while denying that they can see any ball.

This ability is known as 'blindsight'. A recent paper in Cerebral Cortex describes the case of a man who has it — but the exact nature of what 'TN' can 'see', and the fact that he apparently perceives colour, in particular, challenges traditional concepts of blindsight. Taken together, this case study suggests that we have more to learn about how people with healthy brains see the world.

At 52, TN suffered two strokes which damaged the cortex in both hemispheres of his brain, leaving him in what he described as "total darkness". But then came the first of two serendipitous discoveries. While one of the authors of the new paper was examining TN, he smiled and noticed that TN smiled, apparently in response. This was an example of a type of blindsight known as 'affective blindsight', which has previously been documented.

Then, three years later, while TN was being guided down a corridor, he was observed to move, apparently to avoid a collision. Follow-up evaluations revealed "a surprisingly well-preserved ability to avoid obstacles in his path" the team writes — despite TN's acknowledged loss of vision.

As a next step, they decided to explore whether TN might still perceive any colours. To do this, they watched him and questioned him as he tackled a series of challenges with differently coloured objects, including tulips, books, and Lego blocks.

In one challenge, for example, an experimenter put a block made up of green Lego pieces and another of red Lego pieces on a table in front of TN, and asked him to reach towards the red block. TN was adamant that this was impossible, as he couldn't even see any blocks. But when the experimenter asked him to try again, he looked down towards the table, said "it's here", and with a single motion, grasped the red block.

In some of the challenges, he would focus on an object for up to a minute, rotating it and holding it at various distances from his eyes, before reporting that the colour suddenly 'pierced' his eye. Identifying colours always took him some time and effort, the team notes. But while he wasn't able to pick out green objects, and blue was difficult, he repeatedly identified red items, in particular.

People with blindsight generally report not being able to see anything the researchers note. Even when they're shown evidence that they have some residual visual ability, as a rule, they are not convinced. In clear contrast, TN's words, along with his actions, suggest that he has some awareness of colour. "The fact that we got the same result using a variety of objects with different sizes and textures leads us to firmly believe that TN was — as he claimed — responding to colour as people generally understand it and as he himself did before the onset of his blindness," the team writes.

Given work showing that healthy brains can detect and even respond to emotional faces without conscious awareness of those faces, and that TN had an affective component to his blindsight, it's notable that he was much better at identifying red than any other colour. When someone is angry or embarrassed, their face can flush red. Red can, then, be among the cues to how another person is feeling — which, for our ancestors, may have had consequences for their survival.

There is a theory that survival-related processing can happen via two routes in the brain. One route is subcortical and allows for rapid responses without conscious awareness. (Supporting the idea of such a route, follow-up work on TN showed that emotional faces and direct gaze still activated the amygdala, a region of the brain activated by survival-related signals in the environment.) The second route is cortical — which in the case of visual data requires V1 — giving rise to conscious awareness.

However, TN's case suggests that the non-cortical route might allow for some level of conscious awareness of visual signals.

Given their findings, the team would now like to see re-evaluations of other people with blindsight. Standard testing for blindsight is formal and structured, and they think that it may not be as effective at identifying the types of residual visual ability that they found for TN. They'd also like to see further work to explore just what underpins his ability, as it may have implications for understanding not just blindsight but how people with healthy brains see the world.

Read the paper in full:
de Gelder, B., Humphrey, N., Pegna, A. J. (2024) On the bright side of blindsight. Considerations from new observations of awareness in a blindsight patient, Cerebral Cortex, bhae456, https://doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhae456



SOURCE:

Thursday, 16 January 2025

New study hints at how naps improve performance



… and suggests that one day it may be possible to replicate the effect with brain stimulation.

06 January 2025

By Emma Young


For more than a century, we've known that sleep boosts cognitive performance. The big question is: how, exactly?

One popular idea is that toxins which accumulate in the brain while we're awake are cleared away during a good night's sleep. But this theory, known as the glymphatic system hypothesis, can't explain how people can perform better on a taxing test after just a brief nap.

New research, led by Natasha Kharas at Weill Cornell Medical School, provides some compelling insights on why this happens, with data suggesting that it might even be possible to use brain stimulation techniques to mimic the beneficial effects of sleep while awake.

Kharas and her colleagues conducted their experiments on macaques. The team first trained five of the monkeys on a visual task in which they had to decide whether two objects that were briefly flashed on a screen were identical or not. These images were rotated at a variety of angles, by up to 90 degrees, making the task reasonably demanding.

After performing a set of these tasks, the animals either napped for half an hour (in non-REM Stage 1 and Stage 2 sleep) or rested while awake. During this time, the team used electrodes to record the activity of more than 4,000 neurons in three areas of their cortex. Two of these were visual areas (V1 and V4). The third was the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, a region involved in decision-making that is active during the visual task. After the thirty-minute period, the monkeys were given exactly the same set of tasks to do again.

The team found that only those that had napped did better on these tasks the second time around. Neuronal recordings revealed some hints as to why. During a nap, there was an increase in low frequency delta wave activity and a decrease in the gamma band (which is associated with wakefulness). The team also observed that neurons in the different regions fired in sync. After the napping animals woke up, however, neuronal activity became more out-of-sync than it had been beforehand. None of these changes were seen when a monkey had rested without snoozing.

The team think that the increase in out-of-sync firing after the napping animals woke up allowed neurons to fire more independently, which then boosted their accuracy in processing information, explaining their post-nap improvement on the visual tasks.

As the team notes, these findings suggest that increased delta wave activity during non-REM sleep leads to the beneficial 'desynchronisation effect' on cognitive performance after waking. But in the next stage of their study, they firmed up the evidence for this.

This time, the macaques always stayed awake between the two blocks of visual tasks. But in some trials, during the in-between rest phase, the team applied an electric current to their brains. This current mimicked the delta frequency observed during the non-REM sleep.

Their results showed that this artificial stimulation caused the same desynchronisation effect that they'd seen in the earlier study — and an improvement on the visual task. "This finding is significant because it suggests that some of the restorative and performance-enhancing effects of sleep might be achieved without the need for actual sleep," commented senior author Valentin Dragoi in a statement released at the time.

Further studies are now needed to explore whether stimulating delta wave activity in people could have the same effect, and to explore what happens to performance if the stimulation lasts for longer than half an hour. While this new work does not mean that the glymphatic system hypothesis is wrong — or, of course, that REM sleep, which brings its own benefits, can be ignored — it could potentially open a new route to helping those who struggle to get enough sleep. In theory, this could mean astronauts on an extended mission, special forces operatives — or just anyone who suffers from insomnia.

Read the paper in full:
Kharas, N., Chelaru, M. I., Eagleman, S., Parajuli, A., & Dragoi, V. (2024). NREM sleep improves behavioral performance by desynchronizing cortical circuits. Science, 386(6724), 892–897. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.adr3339

SOURCE:

Thursday, 9 January 2025

«Η νοημοσύνη είναι η ικανότητα προσαρμογής στην αλλαγή» Stephen Hawking


BY ΑΓΓΕΛΙΚΉ ΛΆΛΟΥ
8 ΙΑΝΟΥΆΡΙΟΣ 2025




Μαθήματα ζωής, ήθους και σοφίας, από τον Stephen Hawking


ΟΣτίβεν Γουίλιαμ Χόκινγκ, ένας από τους μεγαλύτερους θεωρητικούς φυσικούς του 20ου αιώνα, γεννήθηκε στις 8 Ιανουαρίου 1942 και αποβίωσε στις 14 Μαρτίου 2018. Ως Βρετανός κοσμολόγος και συγγραφέας, είχε πρωταγωνιστικό ρόλο στον τομέα της θεωρητικής φυσικής, ενώ υπηρέτησε ως Διευθυντής Ερευνών στο Κέντρο Θεωρητικής Κοσμολογίας του Πανεπιστημίου του Κέιμπριτζ.


Ο Χόκινγκ συνεργάστηκε με τον Ρότζερ Πένροουζ πάνω στα θεωρήματα βαρυτικής μοναδικότητας, αναπτύσσοντας επαναστατικές ιδέες στα πλαίσια της γενικής σχετικότητας. Επιπλέον, έγινε διάσημος για τη θεωρητική του πρόβλεψη ότι οι μαύρες τρύπες εκπέμπουν ακτινοβολία – φαινόμενο γνωστό ως ακτινοβολία Χόκινγκ. Ο Χόκινγκ ήταν πρωτοπόρος στη διατύπωση μιας κοσμολογίας που συνδυάζει την γενική σχετικότητα με την κβαντική μηχανική, καθώς και ένθερμος υποστηρικτής της ερμηνείας πολλών κόσμων στην κβαντική μηχανική.

Ως επιστήμονας ευρείας αναγνώρισης, ο Χόκινγκ ήταν επίτιμος συνεργάτης της Βασιλικής Εταιρείας των Τεχνών και μέλος της Επισκοπικής Ακαδημίας Επιστημών, ενώ έχει τιμηθεί με το Προεδρικό Μετάλλιο της Ελευθερίας, το ανώτερο πολιτικό βραβείο στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες. Δίδαξε ως καθηγητής Μαθηματικών στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Κέιμπριτζ από το 1979 έως το 2009.


Ο Χόκινγκ πέτυχε επίσης να εκλαϊκεύσει τις επιστημονικές θεωρίες του μέσα από συγγράμματα που για πολλούς έγιναν σημεία αναφοράς. Το πιο διάσημο έργο του, “Το Χρονικό του Χρόνου”, παρέμεινε στη λίστα των best-seller της Sunday Times για 237 συνεχόμενες εβδομάδες.

Παρά την πάθησή του από αμυοτροφική πλευρική σκλήρυνση, ο Χόκινγκ συνέχισε το έργο του -παρά το γεγονός ότι ήταν σχεδόν ολοκληρωτικά παράλυτος- χρησιμοποιώντας μια ειδική συσκευή για την επικοινωνία του. Η προσωπική του ζωή περιλάμβανε δύο γάμους και τρία παιδιά. Στο αυτοβιογραφικό βιβλίο του “Το Χρονικό της Ζωής μου”, που κυκλοφόρησε το 2014, ο Χόκινγκ μοιράστηκε τη βαθιά προσωπική του πορεία.


Με αφορμή την επέτειο της γέννησής του, θυμόμαστε μερικές από τις χαρακτηριστικές του φράσεις:

«Όσο δύσκολη κι αν φαίνεται η ζωή, υπάρχει πάντα κάτι που μπορείτε να κάνετε και να πετύχετε.


«Κοιτάξτε ψηλά στα αστέρια και όχι κάτω στα πόδια σας. Προσπαθήστε να κατανοήσετε αυτό που βλέπετε και αναρωτηθείτε τι κάνει το σύμπαν να υπάρχει. Να είστε περίεργοι».

«Η νοημοσύνη είναι η ικανότητα προσαρμογής στην αλλαγή».

«Είμαστε όλοι πλέον συνδεδεμένοι μέσω του Διαδικτύου, σαν νευρώνες σε έναν τεράστιο εγκέφαλο».

«Το παρελθόν, όπως και το μέλλον, είναι απροσδιόριστο και υπάρχει μόνο ως ένα φάσμα πιθανοτήτων».

«Έχω παρατηρήσει ακόμη και ανθρώπους που ισχυρίζονται ότι όλα είναι προκαθορισμένα και ότι δεν μπορούμε να κάνουμε τίποτα για να τα αλλάξουμε, κοιτάξτε πριν περάσετε το δρόμο».

«Η δουλειά σού δίνει νόημα και σκοπό και η ζωή είναι άδεια χωρίς αυτήν».

«Όχι μόνο ο Θεός παίζει ζάρια, αλλά … μερικές φορές τα πετάει εκεί που δεν φαίνονται».

«Οι άνθρωποι δεν θα έχουν χρόνο για εσάς εάν είστε πάντα θυμωμένοι ή όλο παράπονα».

«Οι επιστήμονες έχουν γίνει οι φορείς της δάδας της ανακάλυψης στην αναζήτησή μας για γνώση».

«Η επιτυχία στη δημιουργία Τεχνητής Νοημοσύνης θα ήταν το μεγαλύτερο γεγονός στην ανθρώπινη ιστορία. Δυστυχώς, μπορεί να είναι και το τελευταίο, εκτός κι αν μάθουμε πώς να αποφύγουμε τους κινδύνους».

«Η ζωή θα ήταν τραγική αν δεν ήταν αστεία».

«Όταν οι προσδοκίες κάποιου μειώνονται στο μηδέν, εκτιμά πραγματικά όλα όσα έχει».

«Όσοι κοκορεύονται για το I.Q τους είναι χαμένοι».

«Ο Θεός μπορεί να υπάρχει, αλλά η επιστήμη μπορεί να εξηγήσει το σύμπαν χωρίς την ανάγκη για κάποιον δημιουργό».

«Τίποτα δεν μπορεί να υπάρχει για πάντα».



«Γυναίκες. Είναι ένα απόλυτο μυστήριο».

«Πιστεύω ότι τα πράγματα δεν μπορούν να γίνουν από μόνα τους αδύνατα».

«Δεν είναι σαφές ότι η νοημοσύνη έχει κάποια μακροπρόθεσμη αξία επιβίωσης».

«Πρέπει να αναζητήσουμε τη μεγαλύτερη αξία της δράσης μας».

«Είμαστε όλοι διαφορετικοί. Δεν υπάρχει τέτοιο πράγμα όπως συνηθισμένος ή αυθόρμητος άνθρωπος, αλλά μοιραζόμαστε το ίδιο ανθρώπινο πνεύμα».

«Δεν ήμουν καλός μαθητής. Δεν πέρασα πολύ χρόνο στο κολέγιο. Ήμουν πολύ απασχολημένος να απολαμβάνω τον εαυτό μου».

«Εάν πιστεύετε στην επιστήμη, όπως εγώ, πιστεύετε ότι υπάρχουν ορισμένοι νόμοι που πάντα τηρούνται».

«Κατά τη γνώμη μου, δεν υπάρχει καμία πτυχή της πραγματικότητας πέρα ​​από την εμβέλεια του ανθρώπινου μυαλού».

«Αν έπρεπε να διαλέξω έναν υπερήρωα για να γίνω, θα διάλεγα τον Σούπερμαν. Είναι όλα όσα δεν είμαι».

«Δεν φοβάμαι τον θάνατο, αλλά δεν βιάζομαι να πεθάνω. Έχω τόσα πολλά που θέλω να κάνω πρώτα».

ΠΗΓΗ:

Friday, 3 January 2025

Covid – the stories, the scars and the healing



Ella Rhodes speaks to psychologists about their work during the pandemic and the lasting effects that remain.

02 January 2025


We can all remember the individual moments we realised that Covid was a real threat. Our environments changed almost overnight; masks, warnings littered across public transport and pavements, two-metre markers, crossing the road to avoid people. Missing weddings, funerals, seeing those we love trying to reach safety, unable to help.

Hundreds of thousands of deaths. Clapping for underpaid and overworked NHS and social care staff who were experiencing trauma and moral injury beyond most people's imagining. Relationships crumbling, others developing online. The realisation many key workers, previously dismissed as 'unskilled', were keeping us fed and supplied with essentials.

We have all come through that period 'changed' in some way. Many live with the debilitating physical, social and financial impact of long Covid. Perhaps you feel like your perception of time is muddled, almost like still living in a state of cognitive dissonance or denial. Did that really happen? For so long? Could it happen again?

So, how do we begin to heal from the scars and the ongoing psychological issues from Covid? I spoke to those working in adolescent mental health, education, and public health to hear about the changes they saw during the height of the pandemic, the problems which remain, and ways we might recover.
'At their root people want to be kind and loving and do the right thing'

Chartered Psychologist Professor Jim McManus worked as Hertfordshire County Council's Director of Public Health during the Covid-19 pandemic. Now National Director of Health and Wellbeing at Public Health Wales, McManus tells me he was aware in late 2019 of reports of the novel coronavirus affecting people in China. 'I remember thinking "This is going to run" because of the nature of travel and the nature of emergent diseases. Was it going to be SARS all over again? As Covid took hold I worked 100 days straight, seven days a week without a break, then seven days a week for the next year and a half. My team grew from about 100 to nearly 300. We saw the very best of people, but I think we also saw the very worst of people. We weren't ready, particularly in terms of the psychological variables.'

McManus has recently written a chapter for a book on leadership in a crisis and said he had learned numerous lessons during the pandemic, drawing on both his psychological and public health expertise – in particular, the importance of strengthening the healthcare system and working with local government. 'I think the essentials of leadership are communication, not micromanaging,' he says, 'Use the talents that are in other people because you won't get anything done otherwise. Trust people and be visible. And put your money where your mouth is and do what you say you'll do.'

Although as a public health leader, McManus had training in coping with emergencies such as Covid, he told me he was unprepared for how exhausting it would be for himself and colleagues. 'There's a kind of persistent, almost psychological and spiritual exhaustion. It's not burnout, it's very different from burnout. I don't think as a society, we really have learned enough from Covid.'

His hopes for the Covid Inquiry are that it celebrates and recognises the people who led but were unseen. 'There was so much unseen leadership, and they got us through; the local mosque, the local Caribbean and African Doctors' group who ran webinars for the Black communities of Hertfordshire when they were worried about the vaccine.'

Despite the many wonderful people McManus met during the last few years, he feels disheartened by the ways Covid has led to division, conspiracy theories, misinformation, and even violence directed at healthcare workers. 'How did we go from standing clapping for the NHS to me having to physically interpose myself between a nurse and a protester who wanted to punch her for vaccinating in a school? I think it will take us a long while to realise the psychological and social impact of Covid. You can't help but see that it is behind some of the politicised divisions that are being made.'

McManus also points out that many serious issues have existed in the UK for the past 10 years. 'Covid worsened a lot of things, but it isn't to blame for the deterioration in our children's mental health, there is no evidence of turbo cancer, and what you've now got is a maelstrom of misinformation. I fear for when we go into the next global infection incident.'

Rebuilding psychological safety and trust in the government, McManus says, would be key in preparing for the next pandemic. 'I think there's an issue about societal trust, there's an issue about the underlying health of the population and there's systemic issues. The NHS needs to be capable of coping, social care needs to be well-funded and capable and actually treated as important in its own right.

'At their root people want to be kind and loving and do the right thing. The greatest mistake of anyone in a pandemic is not respecting that and harnessing it. Probably the biggest lesson I found was that you will never get through a major public health crisis without the goodwill, trust and safety of the public. We need to work on protecting and enhancing that.'
'I think the Covid generation of kids will carry these scars for a long time'

On a bright, mild March day in 2020, Dr Gavin Morgan was in his office at University College London recording a lecture for his Educational Psychology Doctoral students. 'After three hours, I emerged into the corridor and in that time UCL had completely closed down. All of the offices had been cleared. A guy who worked in the admin team had waited for me to tell me I had to leave. I didn't go back to the office for 18 months after that – my world had changed in those three hours.'

Morgan, along with much of the UK, had felt the slowly growing unease of what might come next. As a tutor on the UCL Educational Psychology Doctorate Morgan had been discussing moving teaching online and with the BPS Division of Educational and Child Psychology (DECP) committee talk of using Teams and Zoom was in the air. 'I was thinking there was no way I'd ever get my head around it, that just wasn't going to happen as far as I was concerned. Then pretty much overnight we made our in-person teaching at UCL completely online.'

Also a practising Educational Psychologist in Northamptonshire, Morgan feels the pandemic was a turning point for his career. During a time before schools were closed and lockdowns enacted, he became concerned about the importance of attachment and the ways potential school closures could impact children. He was contacted by SAGE (Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies) to share his expertise and join its behavioural science sub-group SPI-B (Scientific Pandemic Insights Group on Behaviour).

'The first question I asked at the SPI-B meeting was "When are schools going to re-open?"', Morgan tells me. 'There was no plan to reopen schools and I was concerned that this massive decision had been taken without a strategy to get them open again. I said from the outset that for many of our kids, school is a safe place while home may not be. The attachments some children have with their teacher can be really profound and important, and overnight we denied that to them.'

Although Morgan understood the government wanted to prevent mixing, he was deeply concerned about children's health and wellbeing, and he was approached by many journalists to share his point of view. 'Sometimes I was lumped in with these wacky anti-mask, anti-lockdown libertarians, but I felt it was important to have a counterargument to the prevailing narrative that lockdowns were universally a good thing. No one seemed to be thinking about the impact on kids.'

Given his work as an Educational Psychologist, Morgan has also seen first-hand the impact of the pandemic and lockdowns on children's development and wellbeing – an impact he said we will be dealing with for many years. 'It's been profound and significant,' he says, 'Away from Covid, there's been an imperfect storm of societal pressures on children, cuts to services, financial pressures on families and all of the legacy of austerity on health and social care.'

Indeed a recent report from Ofsted inspectors, 'Strong foundations in the first years of school', based on visits to 20 primary schools in 2023, found that schools were facing significant challenges dealing with the impact of Covid on children in reception and key stage 1. Inspectors noted that children were starting reception with delayed communication and language, poor self-help skills and emotional difficulties.

Morgan confirms that children have emerged from Covid needing extra help and support and that support has been chronically underfunded. 'The caseload of Educational Psychologists has shifted since Covid to include many more behavioural issues. We're also dealing with school attendance problems because we made attendance seem optional during closures. There are many reasons that school is pretty much always the best place for young people to be and if kids aren't going to school the impact is quite profound. I think the Covid generation of kids will carry these scars for a long time.'

Morgan does, however, want us to consider the positive lessons we learned during that time. 'As a psychologist, whether it's something as profound as Covid or something on a smaller level, I try to get people to recognise the strengths they utilise to overcome adversity and difficulty. It's not about getting back to how we were, because we can't. We're all different because of the experiences we went through but we all also demonstrated different strengths and we can learn from those.'
'Where we were at when Covid happened, is always going to be an absolutely key part of our story'

As a Clinical Psychologist and researcher at the University of Bath specialising in adolescent mental health, one of the first concerns Dr Maria Loades had was the impact of lockdowns on young people during the most formative period of their lives. 'Early on I was wondering what would happen for all these young people at home, given everything that we know about what helps healthy development in the teenage years and how important socialising is for forming your identity, to developing your independence from your family of origin, to exploring different ways of being.

'I started pulling together a rapid review of the evidence in terms of what we already knew about the mental health impacts of loneliness for children, young people and young adults, and that really framed the first lockdown for me; desperately looking at what we could recommend going forwards in terms of what might be helpful for preventing a mental health fallout for young people.'

Loades began to gather a group of fellow academics – including early-career researchers and experts in loneliness, mental health and clinical psychology. 'We all worked together to push through something that would usually be done over the course of several months very quickly over the course of several weeks. It felt like this really mattered, to get it out there as soon as we could. It was hard to balance the need to do rigorous science with the need to get answers out as fast as possible.'

They reviewed 83 articles – including studies on the impact of social isolation and loneliness on mental health in children and adolescents, observational, longitudinal and cross-sectional studies, including one retrospective study following a pandemic. They saw a clear pattern that loneliness and mental health were related in both directions.

'If we're lonely we're more likely to get mental health problems later. But also, if we've got mental health problems, we might be more likely to be lonely later. And what we were really interested in, of course, in the pandemic context, was that being lonely now – which we saw coming with all the lockdowns – could lead to later mental health problems with one study showing increased symptoms of anxiety and depression up to nine years later.'

The review was published on 1 June 2020 thanks to the Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry fast-track pipeline for Covid-related outputs. 'We were really the first people to publish something more than just an opinion piece on Covid youth mental health. I remember feeling that we had to try to influence policymakers around the world to prioritise young people being able to socialise as soon as we could. I linked up with a number of other people including Professors Helen Dodd and Sam Cartwright Hatton to start a campaign called #PlayFirst, which was arguing for the need to allow children dispensation from social isolation even if it was outdoors, to interact with each other as soon as possible.'

Loades reflects on the frustration she felt when pubs in England re-opened before schools and, while countries including Scotland had exempted under 12s from some lockdown and social distancing restrictions before they did for adults. 'We were trying to communicate this message to prioritise children and young people interacting and maintaining interactions online – even though we knew that wasn't a replacement for face-to-face interactions.'

As time passed with further lockdowns and as schools began to reopen, Loades emphasised that children and young people should be allowed time and space for emotional and social catch-up rather than just academic catch-up. 'That felt critically important. Obviously, schools are places where young people socialise, where they emotionally develop, and yet, I guess schools in their main remit that see are about academic learning and academic progress, and there was always that risk that would be what would dominate at the cost of actually allowing that space for those other key aspects that schools ultimately provide.'

On the fourth anniversary of the first UK lockdown Loades looked at the evidence that had emerged and found it confirmed what her early review article predicted. 'The evidence showed that those young people who reported being lonely were particularly likely to also have mental health problems. For many young people, things improved once lockdowns lifted, but others continued to struggle, and mental health problems increased again.

We are now, says Loades seeing whole generations of adolescents who missed out on key milestones – moving from primary to secondary school, missing proms and exams. 'We still see the legacy of those losses. We see university cohorts who haven't had the chance to build the life skills and independence that they would have done.

'It was a huge disruption globally, for some people positive, for some people negative, for many of us, aspects of both, but particularly because adolescence is such a vulnerable period where so many of the crucial things were disrupted, the crucial transitions, developing independence and life skills, I think we really particularly have to continue to attend to the unique needs and stories of those young people as they progress now into early adulthood and beyond.'

As Loades says, 'The stories we tell ourselves, matter, as they help us to (re-)shape our experiences in ways that can help us to move forwards or can hold us back. I noticed this as a mother with my little one… it was about the narrative behind things. He was around two or three during the pandemic and it helped him to know that the key people that we were no longer able to see, like his grandparents, were still there, and to connect them with him through screens, but also through posting physical objects to each other so that he could see something had come from his grandma's house to his house, and then he sent something and that was on her screen at the end… a transitional object that could move between these places was absolutely key.'

Loades tells me she is 'personally not great at tolerating uncertainty, and it was a huge lesson in learning to live in the moment and making the most of the things that matter the most. So for me, I think that a key takeaway is, how do I just celebrate this moment? I'm only allowed to go for a walk once a day. How do I make the most of that walk and make the most of the beautiful sunshine and being out and about in nature without getting preoccupied with other thoughts like concerns about buying toilet paper.'
The power of stories

Before I set out to write this article I had an inkling that the simple act of sharing our stories of Covid was important in its own right. Thanks to the wisdom and insight of the people I spoke to I now realise it is a key part of healing from the scars left by the pandemic – scars which will take a long time to heal.

We should acknowledge one another's sorrow, bereavement, trauma, that feeling of time lost, the joy of parts of it, the absurd, surrealness of it. Only by witnessing this in one another can we start to recover and rebuild a life beyond Covid – one that is resilient and prepared for the next pandemic, one in which the wellbeing and health of the next generation are paramount in our minds.

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