Wednesday, 30 August 2023

Wanting to be More Horny



watch the video: https://megjohnandjustin.com/you/wanting-to-be-more-horny/


Following from our ‘horny all the time’ podcast, this podcast explores what we might do if we are wanting to be more horny.



The first big question if you feel this way is ‘why?’ There’s so much pressure in wider culture to be horny and sexual that it’s really hard to step outside that cultural script and decide whether it’s something you really want for yourself, or more something you feel you should be. Also it’s easy for people in our lives to put pressure on us to be as horny as they are – especially if we have a sexual relationship.

The most important thing here is that it is really okay not to be horny ever. It’s also okay to only be horny some of the time, or only a bit horny. There is so much to be learnt from asexual communities here about the fact it is fine not to experience sexual attraction or sexual desire, or to only experience them very occasionally, or only in certain situations.

Consent is vital. It’s really important not to do anything sexual that we don’t want to do because we feel like we should. Not only is it damaging to be treated – or to treat ourselves – non-consensually, it will most likely leave us feeling even less horny or interested in sex than we were before.

If you are aware of all of that and would still like to feel horny more of the time, then you might want to reflect on horniness as a biopsychosocial thing. What aspects of your body and brain (bio), your experiences through life (psycho), and the culture around you (social) contribute to your horniness – and your experiences of erotic stuff more generally? What might you do on all of those levels to invite more horniness? For example, for bio you might think about times of day you feel more relaxed or available for horniness and focus on those times, or situations your body feels most comfortable in – or in less pain. You might get your hormone levels checked out or find toys that stimulate you most. For psycho you might reflect on good and bad past sexual experiences and find ways to incorporate the better ones into your current sexual times. You might do our Make Your Own Sex Manual zine to tune into your sexual desires. For social you might cultivate friendships and community where you can talk about this stuff with likeminded people, or go to events or workshops where you can learn in a culture that invites consent and horniness.

Being present to flickers of horniness is important: cultivating micro-moments of horniness when you have them and fanning the flame by allowing yourself to explore them. You might invite more erotica, porn, fantasy, or playing with bodily sensations into your solo sex, or sex with other people. It’s also important not to be aiming at a certain kind of sex/bodily experience like erection or orgasm. Again this makes those things – and horniness itself – less likely to happen.

If you’re sexual with another person it’s important to remember that it’s fine and normal to have discrepancies and fluctuations in your levels of horniness. There’s lots about how to navigate that in our book and zines.

© Meg-John Barker & Justin Hancock, 2019

SOURCE:


Tuesday, 29 August 2023

Τα προβλήματα γύρω από τον ύπνο δημιουργούνται συνήθως από τους γονείς





Κάθε βράδυ την ώρα του ύπνου σε πολλά σπίτια που έχουν μικρά παιδιά υπάρχει ένα θέμα. Τα παιδιά δεν θέλουν να πάνε για ύπνο. Μόλις οι γονείς καταφέρουν να τα βάλουν στο κρεβάτι, τα παιδιά θυμούνται πως θέλουν νερό, ή και ένα ακόμη παραμύθι, ή το φως αναμμένο, τις κουρτίνες τραβηγμένες, μετά τις κουρτίνες ανοιχτές, και μετά θέλουν να ξανάπανε στη τουαλέτα και τελικά μετά από μια εξουθενωτική πάλη η κατάληξη είναι κλάματα από τα παιδιά, φωνές από τους μεγάλους και το θέμα συνεχίζεται καθημερινά.

Ας καταλάβουμε το παιδί, τον γονιό, την κατάσταση

Κατ’ αρχάς δεν υπάρχει παιδί που δεν θέλει να παρατείνει την ώρα της δράσης λίγο ακόμα. Το να θέλουν να ανήκουν στη δράση είναι ανθρώπινη ανάγκη. Τα σοβαρά προβλήματα γύρω από τον ύπνο δημιουργούνται συνήθως από τους γονείς. Όσο πιο συγκεκριμένη και σταθερή γίνεται η ρουτίνα του ύπνου κάθε βράδυ, τόσο πιο γρήγορα θα γίνει συνήθεια και στο παιδί. Οι γονείς επιτρέπουν στο παιδί να τους χορεύει!
Προτάσεις

1. Χρειάζεται να είστε παρών και αφοσιωμένος στη διαδικασία και όχι να κάνετε ταυτόχρονα άλλα πράγματα. Ένας λόγος που τα παιδιά ζητούν κι άλλη προσοχή είναι γιατί δεν έχουν πάρει τη σωστή δόση.

2. Μείνετε σταθεροί στις αποφάσεις σας αλλά με ευγένεια. Τα παιδιά ξέρουν πολύ καλά όταν λες αυτό που εννοείς και όταν εννοείς αυτό που λες.


3. Αφού πέσουν στο κρεβάτι αρνηθείτε να παίξετε άλλο το παιχνίδι τους. Αν σηκωθούν ευγενικά και σταθερά οδηγήστε τα ξανά στο κρεβάτι. ΧΩΡΙΣ ΛΟΓΙΑ. Οι πράξεις είναι πολύ καλύτερες από τα λόγια. Μπορεί να χρειαστεί να το επαναλάβετε πολλές-πολλές φορές πριν καταλάβουν ότι το εννοείτε. Αν τα παιδιά έχουν καταλάβει ότι σας κάνουν ότι θέλουν θα πάρει 3-4 βραδιές να αλλάξει το σκηνικό.


4. Συζητήστε μαζί τους ότι αυτό που κάνατε ως τώρα ήταν λάθος. Έτσι θα τους δώσετε την ευκαιρία να καταλάβουν ότι κανείς δεν είναι αλάνθαστος και ότι σπουδαίο είναι να μαθαίνεις από τα λάθη σου.
Προγραμματίζοντας το μέλλον

1. Συζητήστε μαζί τους τη διαδικασία του ύπνου κατά τη διάρκεια της μέρας και όχι όταν προκύπτει το πρόβλημα. Βάλτε τα παιδιά να φτιάξουν μια λίστα με το τι χρειάζεται να έχει γίνει πριν πάνε για ύπνο. Μια λίστα που θα περιγράφει τη δική τους ρουτίνα και η οποία ποικίλει ανάλογα με την ηλικία του παιδιού. Για παράδειγμα: μαζεύουμε τα παιχνίδια, φοράμε πιτζάμες, πλένουμε δόντια, πάμε στην τουαλέτα, διαλέγουμε ρούχα για την επόμενη μέρα κλπ. Για τα μικρά παιδιά μια καλή ιδέα είναι να βρούνε εικόνες από περιοδικά που περιγράφουν τη διαδικασία αυτή και να την κολλήσουν σε ένα χαρτόνι. Αυτό το χαρτόνι το κολλάτε στην πόρτα του δωματίου. Βοηθήστε στο να διαμορφώσουν τον χρονικό προσδιορισμό της διαδικασίας αυτής.

2. Όταν έρθει η ώρα για να αρχίσει η διαδικασία του ύπνου πείτε απλώς «Είναι ώρα για ύπνο» και όχι «Πρέπει να πας για ύπνο» βοηθήστε λέγοντας «Τι είναι το πρώτο πράγμα που κάνεις όταν πηγαίνεις για ύπνο;» Δώστε επιλογές «Θέλεις να διαλέξεις εσύ παραμύθι ή εγώ;».

3. Δώστε τους να καταλάβουν ότι θα είσαστε διαθέσιμοι για παραμύθι 10΄ πριν την καθορισμένη ώρα για τον ύπνο. Αν είναι έτοιμα καλώς αν όχι το παραμύθι θα περιμένει ως αύριο. (ΣΤΑΘΕΡΑ και ΕΥΓΕΝΙΚΑ).

4. Για τα παιδιά που θυμώνουν γιατί τα μεγαλύτερα αδέλφια πηγαίνουν αργότερα για ύπνο μπορείτε να πείτε πως είναι εντάξει να αισθάνονται θυμωμένα αλλά δεν είναι εντάξει να μην πηγαίνουν την ώρα που πρέπει για ύπνο.

5. Δώστε τους την ευκαιρία να μένουν λίγο αργότερα τις Παρασκευές και τα Σάββατα (ΛΙΓΟ).

6. Ας καταλάβουν ότι η ώρα που έχει συμφωνηθεί είναι να πάνε στα δωμάτιά τους και να πέσουν στα κρεβάτια τους, δεν είναι απαραίτητο και να κοιμηθούν. Άλλα παιδιά θέλουν να διαβάσουν, άλλα θέλουν παίξουν. ΑΡΚΕΙ ΝΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΣΤΟ ΔΩΜΑΤΙΟ ΤΟΥΣ.

Ερατώ Χατζημιχαλάκη, Οικογενειακή Σύμβουλος


ΠΗΓΗ:

Monday, 28 August 2023

Enclothed cognition brushes up well


New analysis shows that after the alarm was raised on the replication crisis in psychology, research into how clothes make us feel, think, and act has improved substantially.

25 August 2023

By Emma Young


The idea that our clothing affects how we think and feel about ourselves is hugely popular. The right clothes for the right occasion can even make a big difference to how we act.

But clothes can have further reaching effects than just making us feel good. Over a decade ago, a pair of US-based researchers first described ‘enclothed cognition’, reporting that people performed better on a test of attention when wearing a lab coat that was described as a doctor’s coat versus a lab coat described as a painter’s coat. That 2012 study has been cited more than 600 times and covered by more than 160 news outlets, note the authors of a new paper in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin.

Since that initial publication, dozens of other studies have reported that the symbolic meaning of clothing can influence cognition. For example, one study found that women feel more powerful when wearing heeled rather than flat shoes, while another claimed that wearing a police uniform causes people to pay more attention to people of a low socio-economic status.

However, in 2019, a high-powered direct replication attempt of the original 2012 paper did not find any differences between the ‘painter’ and the ‘doctor’ conditions, casting wider doubt on the topic. Prominent findings in the field of embodied cognition and social priming more broadly have also recently famously failed to replicate.

In their response to the 2019 replication failure, the authors of the original study argued that while the replication attempt did call their specific finding into question, the “sum total” of the available data suggested that the core idea of embodied clothing is “generally valid.” Ascertaining whether or not this is the case is clearly important for the research in this area.

In order to get to the bottom of this, Dr C. Blaine Horton Jr of Columbia University and colleagues set out to conduct a thorough analysis of every experimental, peer-reviewed study on enclothed cognition published in English that they could find. In total, they identified 40 such studies, from 24 articles.

The researchers then used a statistical tool called a z-curve analysis. This can reveal the presence of publication bias — that is, whether negative findings have been under-published. It can also provide other important insights, such as whether there is evidence for ‘p-hacking’ — when data is manipulated so that a statistically significant finding can be reported.

Overall, Horton Jr and their colleagues found that for the papers published before 2016 (the year after the Open Science Collaboration drew attention to the replication crisis in psychology, and after which research practices were improved), their analysis could not rule out the possibility that questionable research practices, or an over-preponderance of false positives, played a role in findings in support of the idea of enclothed cognition.

However, all was not lost. Their analysis also suggested that after 2016, there was no publication bias and that questionable research practices were unlikely to have played a role in the described effects. The analysis also suggested that a majority of the significant effects from the papers published since 2016 were likely to replicate under the same conditions.

The team was also able to estimate that the size of the effect clothing has on thoughts, feelings, and behaviours is small to moderate. The effect sizes were consistent across studies looking at different types of clothing and various potential outcomes, the researchers note.

Sample size was highlighted as a limitation of many of the examined studied. The authors argue that most included too few participants, with the average overall sample size in the studies was 103, when at least 150 would have been ideal.

Overall, though, this new work suggests that the core idea of enclothed cognition is generally valid. It also demonstrates an exciting meta-psychology approach that might be used in other fields with high profile papers that have failed to replicate, but ample papers that support the core idea. (The concept of the growth mindset, for example, may be one possible target.) Just as one positive finding cannot be viewed as the final word on any subject, neither can one failed replication attempt.

Read the paper in full: https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672231182478

SOURCE:

Tuesday, 22 August 2023

The challenges of creating gender-inclusive birthing services


As increasing numbers of gender-diverse patients access birthing services, a new study takes a look at attitudes, education, and ambitions for progress amongst UK perinatal staff.

21 August 2023

By Emily Reynolds


As society’s understanding of gender and sex evolves, our use of language evolves, too. Maternity wards and pregnancy care have, traditionally, largely used language oriented around women: the word ‘maternity’ itself, for one, but also ‘midwife’, ‘matron’, or ‘sister’. And while cisgender women remain the primary patients in such services, a rising number of trans and non-binary people, who may not identify as women, are also engaging with pregnancy planning and birth-related services,

Being excluded by the language used in birthing settings could lead to these parents feeling othered by the experience of bringing a child into the world, and potentially plant the seed for further-reaching mental health impacts. With giving birth being as stressful as it is, plus the risk of post-partum mental health struggles, efforts should be made to give all patients the best standard of care available.

A new study by a UK-based research team explored the experiences, opinions, and educational needs of perinatal staff as related to the needs of trans and non-binary service users. Through their investigations, they found generally welcoming attitudes throughout staff, but a lack of awareness of trans and non-binary issues, suggesting a number of steps that could improve services for these populations.

One hundred and eight perinatal staff working in the UK took part in the study’s online survey. The first part of the study looked at participants’ knowledge and attitudes of trans issues using a 29-item scale, with participants indicating how much they agreed with questions such as “I would feel comfortable having a transgender person into my home for a meal,” or “If you are born male, nothing you do will change that”. A higher score indicated a more positive attitude towards, and increased knowledge of issues related to, trans and non-binary people.

Next, staff answered questions designed to measure their confidence in providing care to trans and non-binary people, indicating how much they agreed with statements such as “how confident do you feel in forming a care plan in partnership with a childbearing trans person?” and “how confident do you feel in providing effective care to a childbearing trans person?” Finally, four long-form response questions explored participants’ experiences, challenges, educational needs, and opinions about providing care to trans and non-binary patients.

Most of the 108 participants had a positive attitude towards trans and non-binary people, despite only 20% having knowingly provided perinatal care to these populations. Many also had a good working knowledge of issues related to trans people, sharing experiences they had had with trans and non-binary people and engaging deeply with ideas on how to improve colleagues’ knowledge and experience too.

When exploring their experiences of providing care for childbearing trans and non-binary people, participants stated the need to recognise the individuality of each case: every trans or non-binary parent is different. Staff noted that it was important to take into consideration individual differences, different pronouns, and different points in transition, rather than applying the same assumptions to all. Several participants noted that some colleagues were transphobic, while others reported nervousness about providing care, slipping-up with inclusive language, or saying something unintentionally upsetting.

The sample also identified notable challenges in providing suitable care. Perhaps most obviously, the cisheteronormative model of care that focused on binary gender presented some issues; language used that focuses exclusively on mothers, for example, rather than using more inclusive, less exclusively feminine language of ‘parenting’.

This, however, was not without controversy, even within this small sample. Some midwives shared concerns that trans-inclusive care may diminish focus on cisgender parents. Though specifics as to how increased inclusivity would disempower cisgender women were not provided in this instance, others have raised similar concerns that some patients may find inclusive language alienating, or find it difficult to understand terms such as “people with a cervix”. It is worth nothing that in places where efforts to use inclusive language have already begun, however, trusts report that they are careful “not to exclude the language of motherhood.” Participants did not necessarily see these stances as contradictory, reporting that “Trans rights do not undermine women’s rights… One can be a feminist and also provide understanding, accepting care to transgender people.”

Despite this ongoing discussion, participants enthusiastically shared their ideas for progress when it came to education around trans childbirth and parenting. They noted the importance of explaining the practicalities of childbearing while trans; a trans man, for example, might manage a pregnancy differently to a cisgender woman, both physically, practically, and psychologically.

The healthcare workers involved expressed a desire to create educational resources alongside trans and non-binary people themselves, “and for them to be involved in co-creating a more effective service.” Sharing good practice around working with trans people was also drawn out as a potential way forward, and for inclusive care “to be openly discussed and addressed.”

Overall, this research highlights the ways in which trans and non-binary people are often excluded by maternity services, despite a general acceptance of trans and non-binary people by staff. Many staff indicate material changes can and should be made: changes of policies, more co-production, and increased education around language used and material challenges for gender nonconforming parents. Future research could look at the experiences of trans and non-binary people in these services, as understanding more about the patient experience could help develop strategies to ensure birthing services support the wellbeing of all patients.


SOURCE:

Wednesday, 16 August 2023

Is slowness the essence of knowledge?

Eloise looks at whether ‘slow and steady wins the race’.

08 June 2017


Generally we associate speed with positive outcomes. Being ‘fast’ is perceived as good; being ‘slow’ is perceived as bad. Quiz shows demonstrate the benefits of fast thinking – speedy responses win prizes, while hesitation costs points. In most careers, including academia, speed is valued. But speed isn’t everything, and slowness may in fact be more beneficial to us in many circumstances. In our age of snap judgements and instant opinions, slowness and deliberative contemplation may be more important than we realise.

In his 2011 book Thinking Fast and Slow, Daniel Kahneman suggested that the human mind consists of two competing systems. His central hypothesis is a dichotomy between two modes of thought: ‘System 1’ is fast, instinctive and emotional. ‘System 2’ is slower, effortful, more deliberative, conscious, and more logical. To illustrate the two, imagine you see an angry face in a crowd – you will instantly focus on that individual because your brain perceives a threat and works quickly to identify it in order to keep you safe. This is an example of the ‘fast’ system. Our brains are hardwired to respond quickly to certain cues in the environment, and this helps us to survive.

In the battle of the popular science books, Malcolm Gladwell’s 2007 Blink exalts the virtue of ‘thinking without thinking’. His central idea is that spontaneous decisions are often as good as, or superior to, carefully planned and considered ones. Gladwell’s acclamation for snap judgements and first impressions has many parallels with Kahneman’s concept of ‘fast’ thinking. Yet there are many situations when our brains take longer to complete tasks – using Kahneman’s ‘slow’ system. For instance, complete this sum: 498 + 813. I bet you really had to think – that is your ‘slow’ system which allows you to process more tricky situations. And as I will demonstrate here, slowness is vital to many situations, and may also provide a hallmark of a healthy brain and mind.

Slowness and food
In 1986 there was uproar when a McDonald’s fast food restaurant was scheduled to open in the picturesque Piazza di Spagna in Rome. This was led by a man called Carlo Petrini, who subsequently inaugurated the ‘slow food’ movement. In contrast to fast food, diners were encouraged to source food from sustainable sources, but also to increase gastronomic pleasure by eating in a slow, relaxed way. Taste and pleasure of food are linguistically linked to slowness, such as in the phrase ‘to savour’ what you are eating. In keeping with the mantra of the ‘slow food’ movement, there is evidence that slower eating leads to greater satiety, and greater pleasure (Andrade et al., 2008). In contrast, fast eating can lead to obesity, and healthier individuals tend to engage in slower eating. Given the worldwide obesity epidemic, such findings may be significant.

Slow brain processes – cognitive reappraisal
There are many brain processes that could be labelled ‘slow’ processes, but one that stands out is cognitive reappraisal. Reappraisal is defined as the regulation of inner states, primarily emotions, through modification of the original reaction. Emotions prompt rapid responses within us. Just like ‘fast’ thinking, emotions involve changes to multiple response systems: behavioural, experiential and physiological. An emotion generally has an identifiable impetus or trigger, either in the external environment or internally, such as a thought. The stimulus that prompts the response may have intrinsic affective properties, such as an aversive shock, or may have a learned emotional value.

If emotions prompt rapid responses, cognitive reappraisal is the ability to more slowly re-evaluate our initial reaction. This slower process allows us to regulate our own emotions and respond more appropriately to situations. For instance, imagine we are walking down the street and we pass a friend. We lift our arm and wave to them and say hello, but they simply carry on walking as if they don’t know us. Our first, fast, reaction may be to suppose that they deliberately ignored us, perhaps prompting emotions such as anger or sadness, which can spiral into a negative mood. However, if we are able to reappraise the situation more slowly, and come to a more balanced view, we may be able to avoid the negative emotional consequences. Perhaps he just didn’t see us? Perhaps he was having a bad day and didn’t feel like talking? Reappraisal allows us to focus on the facts, considering more balanced opinions and thereby regulating our emotions.

There is good evidence that the slow process of cognitive reappraisal can be good for us. Successful reappraisal lowers measures of negative emotions and is linked with adaptive long-term improvements in everyday functioning (Dillon & Labar, 2005). Cognitive reappraisal may also be a crucial factor within cognitive behavioural therapy, or CBT. Its importance is demonstrated by the finding that reappraisal alone has been found to mediate the effects of individual CBT for social anxiety (Goldin et al., 2012). Crucially, individual differences in the ability to regulate one’s emotions using processes such as cognitive reappraisal might be related to both normal and pathological variations in wellbeing (Ochsner & Gross, 2005). The role of cognitive reappraisal variations in mental illness is an interesting route still to follow.

Slowness and mental illness
The distinction between fast and slow thinking has yet to be applied explicitly to the realm of psychiatry, yet many forms of psychopathology revolve around repeated failures to adaptively regulate our emotional responses. A deficit in ‘slow’ thinking processes may underlie these difficulties, and slowness may even be a hallmark of the ‘healthy’ brain (Kringelbach et al., 2015).

In psychosis, a disorder where people lose touch with reality, recent research has also pointed towards slowness and ‘slow’ thinking as a marker of recovery. In a 2015 study Philippa Garety and colleagues found that helping people with persecutory delusions to slow down their thinking, and be aware of ‘fast’ thoughts, reduced their levels of paranoia. Their patients stopped instantly jumping to conclusions in keeping with their persecutory beliefs, and were able to challenge them.

Slowness may here too be a route to recovery and could provide a cognitive index to help clinicians to work out when patients are getting better. Garety and colleagues also suggest that slowness should be a prime target for cognitive mechanisms of change in delusions. New therapies may greatly benefit from inducing ‘slow’ thinking in patients. As many psychiatric illnesses and substance-use disorders involve impulsivity and compulsivity, interventions that aim to induce slowness may become more widespread.

Slow science
At the heart of the slow science movement is a strong opposition to performance targets, and an emphasis instead upon slow, methodical processes and quality-driven research. Proponents such as Uta Frith argue that the current academic environment encourages scientists to strive for fame, promotions and tenure by propelling their results and reviews into print. However, they argue that the emphasis upon productivity is too aggressive, leading to mistakes being made and a lack of quality.

The pressure to publish facing many academics is said to drive down the quality of research. Daniel Sarewitz argues that large bodies of published scientific research are unreliable or of poor quality, citing a ‘compulsion’ to publish as a causal factor. Indeed, the mantra ‘publish or perish’ appears to have become a widespread marker of the academic lifestyle. There is even statistical evidence that many low-powered studies yield more statistically significant results, suggesting that the most ‘productive’ researchers may in fact be the least reliable (Lakens & Evers, 2014).

Slowness and the human brain
The virtues of slowness have also been explored within neuroscience, where slowness of thought has been found to be an important property of brain function. This work directly translates Kahneman’s fast and slow systems into tractable brain mechanisms and dynamics. For instance, neuroimaging studies have consistently demonstrated that the correlations in activity between brain regions evolve over time (Chang & Glover, 2010). Time is therefore an important property of the brain’s dynamics; spatial patterns are formed, dissolved, and reformed over time. Both rapidity and slowness are intrinsic properties of the human brain. Research has further shown that the global phase synchrony of the time-series of brain activity evolves over a characteristic ultra-slow timescale (< 0.01 Hz). The brain at rest has a steady temporal variation in the formation and dissolution of multiple communities of harmonised brain regions.

The neuroscience of slowness has been studied indirectly with regard to cognitive reappraisal, a typically slow cognitive process that occurs often as a response to initial ‘fast’ emotional reactivity. One meta-analysis of neuroimaging studies of cognitive reappraisal combined 48 fMRI studies involving the downregulation of negative emotion in a slow manner (Buhle et al., 2014). They found that reappraisal appeared to occur by prefrontal and parietal regions exerting changes in lateral temporal areas associated with semantic and perceptual representations. By actively altering the mnemonic representation of the event, the individual is able to alter the emotional significance of the event. For example, someone who has seen the horrific aftermath of a motor vehicle accident may be able to tell themselves ‘that’s not blood, it’s just ketchup’, therefore changing the valence of the triggering mental image. Looking back at the results of Garety’s team, with reference to patients experiencing delusions, it would be interesting to study the neural dynamics underlying their initial, fast, paranoid thoughts, and their later, slow, reasoning.

The integration of slow and fast thinking
My own research into parenting has benefited greatly from considering how slow and fast thinking operate together to achieve optimality in both brain and behaviour.

We know that baby cues, such as a cute baby face or a piercing distress cry, operate to attract adults’ attention rapidly (Kringelbach et al., 2008). This is a key example of the ‘fast’ system, where an environmental stimulus related to a helpless infant prompts a rapid orienting to the baby. This fast response is even substantiated in the brain, with neural activity at 140 ms, too fast for conscious appraisal, in the reward-related region of the orbitofrontal cortex. Interestingly, we find that if the typical ‘cute’ infant face is disturbed with a craniofacial deformity such as cleft lip, this burst of orbitofrontal activity is absent (Parsons et al., 2013).

Whereas in cognitive reappraisal, the initial ‘fast’ response may need altering, in the context of infants our fast response is beautifully timed to coordinate the following slowly mediated caregiving behaviour. The fast burst of activity in response to a cute infant face or a distress cry may bias the adult’s attentional resources to prompt action immediately, thereby securing the survival of the baby by making it the prime focus of the caregiver. At this point, however, slow processes take over and are fundamental to the flourishing parent–infant relationship. These slow processes involve mentalisation – the ability to treat an infant as an independent psychological agent and guess their needs and desires – and emotional scaffolding – the appropriate regulation of infant emotions. It is these appraisal behaviours that require slower processing but provide the much-needed developmental support for the infant. Such processes are also substantiated in the brain, spanning a network of regions involving capacities such as emotion, pleasure and social interaction. Becoming a parent can at first be daunting, but the interplay between slow and fast processes in parenting demonstrates how we are well equipped for the role (Kringelbach et al., 2016).

Conclusion
As the ‘slow movement’ advocates a cultural shift towards slowing down life’s pace, so does the evidence. Slow processes, be it eating, cognitive reappraisal or slow thinking in the context of psychiatric disorder, are beneficial to us. Slowness may even be an index of recovery in mental health.

Speed is evidently important in many contexts. Quick reactions and instinctive responsiveness aid survival. But we also have a subsequent ‘slow’ response, which is conscious and deliberative, and may be beneficial for more complex social interactions and moral emotions. Perhaps ‘fast’ and ‘slow’ thinking are really two sides of the same coin – intrinsically related, but with their own independent virtues. In our fast-moving society that frequently prioritises speed, the importance of slowness should not be forgotten.

How can we apply slowness to our own lives? Well, the ‘slow science’ movement encourages scientists to halt multitasking in favour of slow, steady methodical processes. It calls for increased time to think and muse about the scientific questions we pursue. The manifesto says that society should give scientists the time they need, but more importantly, scientists must take their time.

References

Andrade, A.M., Greene, G.W. & Melanson, K.J. (2008). Eating slowly led to decreases in energy intake within meals in healthy women. Journal of the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics, 108(7), 1186–1191.

Buhle, J.T., Silvers, J.A., Wager, T.D. et al. (2014). Cognitive reappraisal of emotion. Cerebral Cortex, 24(11), 2981–2990.

Chang, C. & Glover, G.H. (2010). Time-frequency dynamics of resting-state brain connectivity measured with fMRI. Neuroimage, 50, 81–98.

Dillon, D.G. & Labar, K.S. (2005). Startle-modulation during conscious emotion regulation is arousal-dependent. Behavioural Neuroscience, 119, 1118–1124.

Garety, P., Waller, H., Emsley, R. et al. (2015). Cognitive mechanisms of change in delusions. Schizophrenia Bulletin. 41, 400–410.

Goldin, P., Ziv, M., Jazaieri, H. et al. (2012). Cognitive reappraisal self-efficacy mediates the effects of individual cognitive-behavioral therapy for social anxiety disorder. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 80(6), 1034–1040.

Kahneman, D. (2011). Thinking, fast and slow. Macmillan.

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Are people more honest than we think?


New research suggests that resource scarcity does not encourage people to lie for gain.

16 August 2023

By Emma Young


Does a lack of resources make people more willing to lie to benefit themselves? According to new work led by Lau Lilleholt at the University of Copenhagen, most people (or at least, most of the Danish adult participants in this study) believe this to be the case. In fact, this is also what the researchers themselves predicted they would find while investigating how resource scarcity affects people’s decisions.

Contrary to their expectations, however, they found consistent evidence to the contrary.

‘Resource scarcity’ can come in various forms. We might feel that we don’t have enough time to accomplish our goals, or space to live in, or money to spend. Previous research has linked financial poverty to higher levels of conflict, corruption, and crime. And, according to standard economic models, people living in poverty should have a greater incentive to engage in self-serving dishonesty, since the potential gains would be more valuable to them.

From a psychological perspective, however, a stress-induced ‘scarcity mindset’ may also explain why a lack of resources could encourage people to lie for personal gain. It has been proposed that individuals with this mindset focus mainly on their needs and as a result can find it harder to exert self-control.

For all these reasons, the researchers expected that putting people in a state of resource scarcity would encourage self-serving dishonesty.

In their first study, 1,219 UK-based adults were asked to solve a letter-identification task in which they had to guess all the letters in an unknown 10-letter word. They were told that if successful, they would receive a bonus 50p on top of an 80p participation fee. One group was given 18 guesses. This was the ‘non-scarcity’ condition. The other, ‘scarcity’ group was given just 12 guesses.

After being told what the task would entail, all the participants were then given an opportunity to ‘win’ five additional guesses. This came in the form of a ‘game’, in which they wrote down in private a number between one and eight, and then a number in that range flashed up on the screen. If they reported getting a match, they were given those extra guesses. The researchers were not able to tell which individuals lied about getting a match, but given that each person had a one in eight chance of securing a match, they were able to assess levels of lying at a group level.

The results showed that participants in the scarcity group were much less likely to guess all the letters and win the bonus 50p. However, they were no more likely to have cheated on the number game to secure extra guesses.

In a subsequent study with 1,482 British participants, the team varied the number of extra guesses that could be secured, depending on the size of the lie they were willing to tell. But again, though participants in the scarcity condition had far more to gain from lying than those in the other group, they were no more likely to do so.

The team also explored whether experimentally inducing a scarcity mindset, by getting participants to reflect on the implications of a sudden requirement to pay a substantial expense, would make people more likely to lie on the number-matching game to achieve a bonus 50p. It did not.

Next, they turned their attention to country-level poverty data from the World Bank and also country-level indicators of self-serving dishonesty, from a meta-study from 2019. This meta-study included more than 44,000 participants from 47 countries, all of whom were given an opportunity to lie in order to gain a financial benefit. Lilleholt and her colleagues found no evidence that people in poorer countries were more likely to have lied.

Though these studies are relatively extensive, they do have some limitations. For one, the simple online games used in the experiments are very different to the challenges that we face in the real world. Success in these games would have meant very little to the participants. And as research shows that most people tend towards honesty, and that the self-concept of being an honest person is important to many of us, 50p may have been far too small an amount to induce lying.

However, the team does also suggest that at least part of the reason why their Danish adult participants believed that poverty would lead to more self-serving dishonesty may be because they under-estimated how much others — and potentially people in a state of resource scarcity, in particular — value honesty and care about maintaining an honest self-concept.

More work is clearly needed to understand the full picture, but these findings do suggest that self-serving dishonesty may not be as common as we think.

Read the paper in full: https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001355


SOURCE:



Wednesday, 9 August 2023

Οι διακοπές “ανοίγουν” το μυαλό των παιδιών


THE MAMAGERS TEAM07 ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ, 2023




Οι διακοπές με τα παιδιά είναι πάντα κάπως… περιπετειώδεις!

Ακόμη και οι μητέρες που είναι της άποψης ότι πρέπει να ταξιδεύουν πάντα μαζί με τα παιδιά παραδέχονται ότι δεν είναι ποτέ εύκολο, αλλά οι ανταμοιβές αξίζουν πάντα τον κόπο.

Όχι μόνο παρέχετε στα παιδιά σας βιωματική μάθηση, εκθέτοντάς τα σε νέους πολιτισμούς και διευρύνοντας τους ορίζοντές τους, αλλά τα ωθείτε να γίνουν πιο προσαρμόσιμοι και πιο επιτυχημένοι μεγαλώνοντας. Τα παιδιά γίνονται καλύτεροι άνθρωποι ταξιδεύοντας – όχι μόνο τη στιγμή που ταξιδεύουν, αλλά και στο μέλλον.

Παραδέχονται ότι το ταξίδι ως οικογένεια μπορεί να είναι δύσκολο, δαπανηρό, να χρειάζεται μια… μίνι μετακόμιση, αλλά οι μακροπρόθεσμες ανταμοιβές του να δούμε με τα παιδιά μας τον κόσμο υπερβαίνουν κατά πολύ το κόστος.



Παρακάτω έχουμε υπογραμμίσει μερικούς από τους πιο σημαντικούς τρόπους με τους οποίους τα παιδιά επωφελούνται από το ταξίδι:
Αυξάνουν την αυτονομία τους.

Έχοντας τα παιδιά μαζί σας στην “περιπέτεια” τα τοποθετείτε έξω από τη ζώνη άνεσής / βολής τους. Είναι πρόκληση να αντιμετωπίσουν νέες εμπειρίες σε νέα περιβάλλοντα.

Μαθαίνουν την ευγνωμοσύνη – κι όχι την αχαριστία.

Η έκθεση σε νέους πολιτισμούς και τρόπους ζωής θα διδάξει στα παιδιά κάτι περισσότερο από τον τρόπο ζωής τους. “Η οδήγηση σε μέρη όπου τα σπίτια φαίνονται πολύ διαφορετικά από τα δικά τους βοηθά να καταλάβουν ότι εκατομμύρια (και δισεκατομμύρια, παγκοσμίως) άνθρωποι ζουν εντελώς διαφορετικές υπάρξεις”.
Γίνονται πιο ανοιχτόμυαλα και κοινωνικοποιούνται ευκολότερα.

Όταν ταξιδεύετε, τα παιδιά αναγκάζονται να αλλάξουν κάποια πράγματα. Από τα αγαπημένα τους γεύματα μέχρι τις συνήθεις δραστηριότητές τους, θα κάνουν ένα διάλειμμα για να δοκιμάσουν νέα πράγματα που θα επεκτείνουν τους ορίζοντές τους.

ΠΗΓΗ:


Tuesday, 8 August 2023

Affective working memory predicts ability to forecast feelings


The extent to which we are capable of holding feelings in affective working memory may be crucial to our ability to predict the emotional impact of future events.

02 August 2023

By Emma Young


We use working memory every day, whether it be during a conversation with a friend or working through our shopping list. This is a form of short-term memory that allows you to actively hold and manipulate pieces of information in your mind for brief periods. If you’ve studied psychology, it’s likely you’re already familiar with this idea, but you may be less familiar with another form of working memory uncovered by recent research — one that works not with information, but with emotions, or feeling states.

This is called ‘affective working memory’. And now a new paper in Emotion reports that a group of American participants who had a better affective working memory were also better at predicting how they would feel about the result of the 2020 US presidential election. These new findings “underscore the potential importance of affective working memory in some forms of higher order emotional thought,” write lead author Colleen Frank and colleagues at the University of Michigan.

In a paper on affective working memory from 2019, Patricia Reuter-Lorenz, who is also one of the authors of the new study, and colleagues reviewed the research in the field and proposed that affective working memory “is a fundamental mechanism of the mind”. By allowing us to hold feelings in mind, this form of memory enables emotions to influence our thoughts, decisions and actions.

If you can accurately remember how you felt last the time you went to a work party, say, or after going for a run, holding these recalled feelings in mind could then help you to decide whether to do the same thing again, or to adjust your behaviour in some way. Although psychological research treats our thoughts and decision-making as being separate to our emotional experiences, Reuter-Lorenz and her team argued that in daily life, they are in fact closely intertwined.

Just as studies have found differences in information-based working memory ability, earlier research has also found differences between people in affective working memory. Some people, it seems, are better at holding feeling states in mind than others.

To explore whether these differences might affect people’s ability to predict how they would feel in the wake of a major event, Frank and her colleagues got 76 American adults, aged 18-29 and living in 32 different states, to complete various surveys before and after the 2020 Presidential election.

Just before the election, the participants completed a test of affective working memory. In this test, they viewed a series of images designed to evoke emotional responses, and the team assessed how clearly and precisely they held their emotional reactions in mind over a delay. The participants also predicted how happy, angry, and scared they would feel if Joe Biden won the election, or Donald Trump won. They also completed a working memory task that was not related to emotions.

Then, about ten days after the election (six days after the result was officially called), the participants reported on how happy, angry, and scared they were feeling about Biden’s victory.

The team found that participants who had scored higher on the affective working memory test were better at predicting how they actually felt after the election. Their performance on the other working memory task had no influence on their ability to accurately predict their feelings, however. This suggests that differences in affective working memory, specifically, explained the results. “Just as cognitive working memory may provide the mental workspace for complex cognitive tasks, affective working memory may provide the mental workspace for mental simulations where feelings play a prominent role,” the authors write.

However, the team did not find a link between scores on the affective working memory task and answers to another set of questionnaires, which asked the participants to predict how they would feel about everyday life events, such as receiving praise from a teacher, and then later to indicate how they had felt when these events had taken place.

The mixed results overall suggest a “diversity” of processes underlying our ability to predict our future feelings, the team writes. In other words, affective working memory performance does not seem to be the only factor involved. It’s also worth noting that the study had a few limitations, particularly the small sample size.

Still, this work does provide new insights into why some people are better at predicting how they will feel in the future than others. And since these predictions affect our willingness to engage in all kinds of unhealthy or unhelpful as well as positive, healthy activities, further research into what drives these differences, and how to improve the accuracy of our predictions, is clearly needed.

Read the paper in full: https://doi.org/10.1037/emo0001258

SOURCE: