Monday, 27 January 2014

Some bisexual men are aroused by women, some aren't - is curiosity the reason?

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When a man describes himself as bisexual, we usually take this to mean that he has sexual relations with both men and women, and/or that he is attracted to both sexes. However, prior lab research has found that many men who self-identify as bi-sexual are not in fact sexually aroused - in a physical sense - by the opposite sex.

It's important to remember that physical sexual arousal is only one reflection of a person's sexual desires and identity, not the be all and end all. However, this past research suggests that, from a bio-psychological perspective, the label bisexual is used by a diverse group of men. A new study builds on this idea, and finds that a key distinguishing characteristic among bisexual men is their level of sexual curiosity.

Gerulf Rieger and his colleagues conducted two studies with hundreds of men, some of whom were recruited via university adverts, others via websites where men seek sexual partners. The first study used pupil dilation as an index of sexual arousal. The second study used increase in penile circumference as the measure of sexual arousal.

The men, who rated themselves on a sexual orientation sliding scale from strictly homosexual, to bisexual, to strictly heterosexual, watched video clips of attractive male or female models masturbating in the first study, or, in the second study, short videos of two men having sex, or two women having sex. In both studies, the participants also filled out a 10-item questionnaire about their sexual curiosity. Example items included "If I were invited to watch a porn movie, I would accept" and "Sex without love is appealing to me."

On average, men who self-identified as bisexual showed the sexual arousal patterns you might expect, being less aroused than heterosexual men (but more aroused than homosexual men) by videos featuring women, and more aroused than heterosexual men by videos featuring men. This average data conceals the fact that some bisexual men were aroused by both sexes, while others were aroused only by men. The novel finding from this research is that these arousal patterns were correlated with sexual curiosity. Bisexual men on average reported more sexual curiosity than straight or gay men; moreover, among bisexual men only, greater sexual curiosity was linked with more arousal in response to videos featuring women. Bisexual men with low levels of sexual curiosity tended to be aroused only by other men.

Rieger and his colleagues speculate that shared genetic influences likely account for increased sexual curiosity and bisexual physiological arousal, thus explaining why these two characteristics correlate. They also propose that some bisexual men with elevated curiosity may "reattribute" their curiosity-related arousal to sexual stimuli depicting either sex, "thus increasing their sexual arousal and rewarding experiences associated with both men and women." What about the bisexual men who are only aroused by men? Rieger's team suggest that their identity may be in a transitional stage - perhaps they self-identify as bisexual on the basis of past experiences and relationships, or to conform to societal norms.

"The present findings are in line with the notion that a male bisexual identity can be found in a diverse range of men who differ in sexual attitudes and feelings," the researchers said.
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SOURCE:

BPS RESEARCH DIGEST: http://www.researchdigest.org.uk/ (accessed 27.1.14)

Rieger G, Rosenthal AM, Cash BM, Linsenmeier JA, Bailey JM, and Savin-Williams RC (2013). Male bisexual arousal: A matter of curiosity? Biological psychology, 94 (3), 479-89 PMID:http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24055219. Author weblink: http://www.essex.ac.uk/psychology/staff/profile.aspx?ID=3361


Further reading. Sexuality special issue of The Psychologist:http://www.thepsychologist.org.uk/archive/archive_home.cfm?volumeID=19&editionID=131




Thursday, 23 January 2014

5 OF THE MOST--UM, UH--COMMON SPEAKING MISTAKES



SOUNDS LIKE: ERRORS YOU DIDN'T KNOW YOU WERE MAKING.



But from what Business Insider reports, the most common problems we face with speaking are more of the annoy-your-audience, undermine-your-credibility variety.

"The way we speak dramatically affects how our bosses and colleagues perceive us," Alison Griswold reports, with the most common speaking potholes including your tone, pitch, and volume. So let's get to correcting them.
YOU DON'T KNOW WHAT YOU'RE GOING TO SAY

Why did the Transformers director flee from the stage? Because the teleprompter went on the fritz. From his behavior, we can infer that he didn't have a total understanding of what he wanted to say.

Save yourself from getting stuck in a similar situation by knowing the general themes of what you want to say, rather than relying on word-for-word memorization, which has the added bonus of making you sound less like a robot.
YOU'RE TALKING WAY TOO FAST

You don't want to sound like a hyperventilating rapper when you're on stage. If you're speaking too quickly, you're audience won't be able to follow what you're saying, and they'll check out.
YOU SPEAK IN A MONOTONE VOICE

While there are notable exceptions, robots go for monotone, not humans.
While he is indeed a robot, Bender modulates his voice, attracting the ears of mammalian listeners.

Having a modulated voice--where your tone goes up and down--signals that you're mammalian. When other humans get the sense that you're mammalian, they'll be more open to connecting with you, which mammals are awesome at.
YOU TRAIL OFF AT THE END OF SENTENCES

Which means that people don't hear your complete thoug...
YOU'RE OVERLOADED WITH 'UM,' 'UH,' AND 'AH'

Um, ah, er, uh: these "vocalized pauses" are expected to be found in casual conversation, especially if you don't know exactly what you want to say. John West, head of the speech division at New York Speech Coaching, tells Business Insider that using lots of these pauses makes you lose your audience really quickly. But does the claim hold up?

Not completely: Slate writer Michael Erard observes that we've had verbalized pauses as long as we've had language (100,000 years, give or take).

What's more, research shows that a case of the ums can persuade people to stay on calls and children to learn. The idea, then, is to have your ums act as signals, the kind that attune the listeners' attention to what you're going to say next.

SOURCE:
http://www.fastcompany.com/3024543/work-smart/5-of-the-most-um-uh-common-speaking-mistakes?partner=newsletter(accessed 23.1.14)


Nυχτερινή εργασία και τζετ-λαγκ αποσυντονίζουν τα γονίδια





Τα προβλήματα υγείας λόγω της συχνής εργασίας τις νύχτες και το τζετ-λαγκ από τα μακρινά αεροπορικά ταξίδια, έχουν τις ρίζες τους στην αποδιοργάνωση που επιφέρει στα γονίδια των ανθρώπων ο αποσυντονισμός του «ρολογιού» τους, κάθε φορά που διαταράσσεται ο ανθρώπινος ύπνος, σύμφωνα με μια νέα βρετανική επιστημονική έρευνα.


Οι επιστήμονες εξεπλάγησαν από την έκταση, την ταχύτητα και τη σοβαρότητα της ζημιάς στο βαθύ μοριακό επίπεδο, η οποία, όπως προειδοποίησαν, ρίχνει το σώμα «σε χάος», με ό,τι αυτό μπορεί να συνεπάγεται για την υγεία σε βάθος χρόνου. Προηγούμενες έρευνες έχουν συσχετίσει τη νυχτερινή εργασία με μεγαλύτερο κίνδυνο διαβήτη, εμφραγμάτων και καρκίνου, καθώς το ανθρώπινο σώμα χάνει τον φυσικό ρυθμό του (να κοιμάται τα βράδια και να είναι ενεργό τις ημέρες), με συνέπεια οι εργαζόμενοι να κοιμούνται λιγότερο και σε λάθος ώρες.

Υπό φυσιολογικές συνθήκες, περίπου το 6% των ανθρωπίνων γονιδίων (γύρω στα 1.400) εμφανίζουν μια ρυθμική περιοδικότητα στην έκφρασή τους, δηλαδή ενεργοποιούνται ή απενεργοποιούνται ανάλογα με το αν είναι ημέρα ή νύχτα. Όμως οι βρετανοί επιστήμονες ανακάλυψαν ότι περίπου το 97% αυτών των «ρυθμικών» γονιδίων του ανθρωπίνου σώματος (πάνω από 1.350 συνολικά) αποσυγχρονίζονται λόγω του ακανόνιστου ύπνου.

Οι ερευνητές του πανεπιστημίου του Σάρεϊ, με επικεφαλής τον καθηγητή Ντερκ-Γιαν Ντικ του Κέντρου Ερευνών Ύπνου και τον ειδικό στη χρονοβιολογία Σάιμον Άρτσερ, που έκαναν τη σχετική δημοσίευση στο περιοδικό της Εθνικής Ακαδημίας Επιστημών των ΗΠΑ (PNAS), σύμφωνα με το BBC και τη βρετανική «Γκάρντιαν», διαπίστωσαν ότι οι καθημερινοί ρυθμοί των γονιδίων μας διαταράσσονται σοβαρά, όταν δεν κοιμόμαστε τις κανονικές ώρες για τις οποίες το βιολογικό μας «ρολόι» έχει προγραμματιστεί.

Οι επιστήμονες πειραματίστηκαν με 22 εθελοντές ηλικίας 22 έως 29 ετών, τους οποίους υπέβαλαν σε μια παρατεταμένη «ημέρα» διάρκειας 28 ωρών, σε ένα ελεγχόμενο εργαστηριακό περιβάλλον, όπου δεν υπήρχε ο φυσιολογικός 24ωρος κύκλος φωτός-σκοταδιού. Καθώς κάθε μέρα ο κύκλος ύπνου - αφύπνισης παρατεινόταν κατά τέσσερις ώρες, μετά από τρεις τέτοιες τεχνητές «ημέρες» ο ύπνος συνέβη 12 ώρες αργότερα από το φυσιολογικό και στο μέσον μιας κανονικής 24ωρης ημέρας.

Τότε, οι ερευνητές συνέλλεξαν δείγματα αίματος και ανέλυσαν την έκφραση των γονιδίων των 22 ατόμων. Όπως διαπιστώθηκε, λόγω της διαταραχής του ρυθμού του ύπνου και του βιολογικιού ρολογιού, υπήρχε μια μείωση κατά έξι φορές στον αριθμό των γονιδίων που εμφάνιζαν κανονικό 24ωρο κιρκαδιανό ρυθμό (δηλαδή με 24ωρη περιοδικότητα).
Με άλλα λόγια, το «ρολόι» των περισσότερων γονιδίων είχε απορρυθμιστεί, με συνέπεια τη διαταραχή πολλών αντίστοιχων βιολογικών λειτουργιών, που ελέγχονταν από αυτά τα γονίδια, καθώς ο εγκέφαλος, η καρδιά, τα νεφρά και άλλα όργανα αναγκάζονταν να «τρέχουν» αποσυντονισμένα, με διαφορετικά εσωτερικά ρολόγια.

«Δημιουργείται ένα χρονο-χάος. Είναι σαν να ζει κανείς σε ένα σπίτι, όπου σε κάθε δωμάτιο υπάρχει ένα ρολόι, το οποίο μετράει διαφορετικά το χρόνο, πράγμα που φυσικά οδηγεί όλο το νοικοκυριό σε χάος» ανέφερε ο Ντερκ-Γιαν Ντικ. Αυτό εξηγεί γιατί όσοι πάσχουν από τζετ-λαγκ, νιώθουν ναυτία, άγχος, στομαχικές διαταραχές, προβλήματα μνήμης και διάφορα άλλα συμπτώματα, όλα ενδεικτικά μιας γενικότερης απορρύθμισης της ισορροπίας του σώματος.
Μάλιστα, σύμφωνα με τους βρετανούς επιστήμονες, η απορρύθμιση του «ρολογιού» των γονιδίων έχει ανάλογες επιπτώσεις με εκείνες της γήρανσης. Δηλαδή η νυχτερινή εργασία και το τζετ-λαγκ έχουν την ίδια γονιδιακή επίδραση με το πραγματικό πέρασμα του χρόνου, όταν κανείς γερνάει.

Μια άλλη παραγνωρισμένη συνέπεια, σύμφωνα με τους ειδικούς, όταν διαταράσσεται το βιολογικό - γονιδιακό ρολόι, είναι ότι ορισμένα φάρμακα παύουν να είναι εξίσου αποτελεσματικά, κάτι που αφορά ιδιαίτερα τους ασθενείς στις μονάδες εντατικής θεραπείας των νοσοκομείων.

ΠΗΓΗ:
http://www.kathimerini.gr/553042/article/epikairothta/episthmh/nyxterinh-ergasia-kai-tzet-lagk-aposyntonizoyn-ta-gonidia(accessed 23.1.14)

Are all psychological therapies equally effective? Don't ask the dodo



The claim that all forms of psychotherapy for mental illness are winners, known as the Dodo Bird Verdict, has been dealt a blow

When it comes to psychotherapy techniques, there are winners and losers – contrary to what the dodo told Alice. Illustration: John Tenniel/The Bodleian Library


"Everybody has won and all must have prizes," declared the dodo in Alice in Wonderland when asked to judge the winner of a race around a lake. As judgements go, it is admirably even-handed and optimistic. But in the world of mental health the dodo's decision has come to symbolise a bitter dispute that strikes at the very heart of psychotherapy.

The "Dodo Bird Verdict", first suggested in the 1930s by the American psychologist Saul Rosenzweig, proposes that the many and various forms of psychological therapy are all equally effective. It makes no difference whether, for example, a person is being treated with techniques drawn from psychoanalysis, neurolinguistic programming, or cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT). What really helps a patient to recover are straightforward factors such as the opportunity to discuss their worries with a skilled and sympathetic therapist or the degree to which they are prepared to engage with the treatment.

Understandably, the Dodo Bird Verdict has ruffled many feathers within the profession, and provoked a slew of studies aiming to corroborate or disprove the idea. Are some types of psychotherapy really more effective than others for particular conditions? There is plentiful data to suggest that the answer to that question – contrary to Rosenzweig's theory – is "yes". But that data tends to come from research conducted by proponents of the ostensibly superior therapy, leaving sceptics to conclude that their conclusions are not impartial.

This makes the results of a study of treatments for the eating disorderbulimia nervosa, published this month in the American Journal of Psychiatry, all the more convincing. Bulimia is characterised by binge eating, followed by attempts to compensate by making oneself vomit, taking laxatives or diuretics (water tablets), fasting, and/or exercising frantically. Underlying this behaviour is an intense concern – an obsession, even – with body shape and weight.

Bulimia is relatively common. One large US study, for instance, found that almost 1% of adolescents aged 13-18 had experienced the condition at some point in their life. Many of these teenagers reported that their illness made it very difficult for them to have a normal life, and it damaged their relationships with family and friends. The study also found that adolescents with bulimia were more likely to consider, or even attempt, suicide.

Given bulimia's prevalence and potentially disastrous consequences, it is clearly important that we understand what treatments work best, which is why researchers at the University of Copenhagen recently compared the efficacy of two popular psychotherapies: CBT and psychoanalysis. The results were remarkable.

In the study, 70 patients with bulimia nervosa were randomly assigned either to two years of weekly psychoanalytic therapy or 20 sessions of CBT spread over five months. At the core of the psychoanalytic approach is the idea that bulimic behaviour represents an attempt to control problematic feelings and desires. The therapist helps the client to talk about these buried feelings and to understand how they are related to the bulimia. And when the individual has learned to accept and manage their deepest desires, the theory goes, the distress disappears and with it the symptoms of bulimia.

CBT, on the other hand, is targeted at the symptoms themselves: the aim is to stop the binge eating as quickly as possible. For CBT practitioners, bulimia is driven by the belief that one's self worth is determined by one's eating habits, shape and weight. Therapists show the individual how to identify and challenge such beliefs, explain the cycle of binge eating, and promote regular eating patterns and a more flexible and realistic set of dietary guidelines. They work with the patient to devise plans to deal with times when binge eating becomes more likely, and to minimise the likelihood of a relapse.

Even though the participants in the Danish trial received vastly unequal amounts of treatment over an extended timespan – with those given psychoanalysis seeing their therapist far more than those allocated CBT – it was CBT that proved more effective. After five months, 42% of the CBT group had stopped binge eating and purging; for those receiving psychoanalysis the figure was just 6%. After two years, the proportion of the psychoanalysis group who were free from bulimia had risen to 15%. But this was still a long way short of the success of the CBT group after two years (44%), despite the fact that by then it was 19 months since the end of their course of treatment.

The Danish trial gives real grounds for hope: CBT, it seems, can bring about major improvements for many people with bulimia. But the significance of the study goes further, because its leaders, Stig Poulsen and Susanne Lunn, are not CBT specialists but highly experienced psychoanalysts. Indeed, not only was the research conducted at a clinic devoted to psychoanalysis, the course of treatment was developed by Poulsen and Lunn themselves.

Even more remarkably, though the CBT therapists received two days of special training and regular supervision from a world leader in CBT for eating disorders, they were less experienced than those responsible for the psychoanalytic treatment.

Despite all this, CBT easily came out on top. As an editorial in the American Journal of Psychiatry commented: "we applaud the candor of the lead investigators for being so forthright in their presentation of the findings. This cannot have been what they hoped to find and indeed was not what they hypothesised."

So when it comes to psychotherapy, it seems the dodo was wrong. Whileshort-term treatments may produce similar results for some illnesses, such as depression, we shouldn't assume that the kind of therapy patients receive is essentially inconsequential. Instead we must recognise that some are better for certain conditions than others, redouble our efforts to identify these and improve them, and ensure that the most effective therapies are available to all who need them.

SOURCE:

http://www.theguardian.com/science/blog/2014/jan/23/psychological-therapies-mental-illness-dodo-bird-verdict(accessed 23.1.14)

Daniel Freeman is a professor of clinical psychology and a Medical Research Council senior clinical fellow in the department of psychiatry, University of Oxford. Jason Freeman is a psychology writer. On Twitter they are @ProfDFreeman and @JasonFreeman100. They are the authors of The Stressed Sex: Uncovering the Truth about Men, Women, and Mental Health

Thursday, 9 January 2014

What's it like to hear voices that aren't there?



Traditionally, when a person says they can hear voices that don't exist in external reality (not to be confused with inner speaking: http://www.bps-research-digest.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/the-science-of-how-we-talk-to-ourselves.html), psychiatry has treated this as a sign of mental illness. However, it's become clear in recent years that many people hear hallucinated voices without it causing them distress. To improve our understanding of how voice-hearing becomes problematic it's clear we need to understand more about the different ways that people experience hearing voices.

Now Lucy Holt and Anna Tickle have published a "meta-ethnographic synthesis" of what we know so far about the varieties of people's voice-hearing experiences. The researchers trawled the peer-reviewed literature using key-word searches to find studies of adequate quality that involved asking adults to describe their voice-hearing experiences first-hand. This process uncovered seven papers, published between 2003 and 2011, involving the first-hand accounts of 139 people aged 19 to 84 (52 per cent were women).

Holt and Tickle analysed the papers looking for recurring themes in people's descriptions of their voice-hearing. The results are fascinating and some insights potentially useful for clinicians. The first theme is that most people gave the voices they heard an identity - often they named them, or they attributed a gender to them. Some people heard voices that belonged to real people encountered in the past, other voices were seen as belonging to God or a spiritual force.

Another important theme was the amount of power that people perceived their heard voices as having, and, related to that, how much power they felt they had over them. There was a continuum such that some people felt completely powerless over their heard voices, while others felt they could take them over. Intriguingly this appeared to be related to the explanations people gave for their heard voices. Those who subscribed to a biomedical account, believing that their voices were caused by a chemical imbalance in the brain, tended to feel less in control of their voices. The perceived power of voices was also linked to the voices' identity, particularly if they were attributed to an authoritarian figure.

People also spoke of the strategies that their voices used to maintain power, such as criticising the person and exploiting his or her weaknesses. Other participants described strategies they used to regain control of their voices, such as using distraction or, opposite to that, deliberately engaging with the voices.

The way that heard voices affected people's relationships was another theme. People described how hearing voices made it difficult to lead an ordinary life. Heard voices could interfere with social relationships, for example by making critical comments about friends or family. But voices could also play a beneficial role by reducing loneliness. "I have not got many friends … so the only thing I can stay very close to are the voices and I do stay very close to them," said one person.

Yet another theme related to whether people saw a distinction between their own thoughts and the voices they heard. Most people recognised a clear difference between the two, perceiving heard voices as "coming from outside the self but manifested inside the body". One exception to this was a study conducted in a psychiatric setting. Here most of the participants endorsed a biomedical explanation for their voices, and they saw their heard voices and own thoughts as one.

Holt and Tickle said their review contained useful insights for therapists, most of all by showing that "'voice hearing' is clearly not a homogenous experience." The findings also suggest ways that therapists might help their clients who hear voices, for example by boosting their feelings of self-worth. Therapists could also benefit by realising that heard voices sometimes have an adaptive function.

Unfortunately, the quality of the studies identified in this review was disappointing. Many failed to provide quotes from participants; others failed to acknowledge the influence of the researcher's own interpretative stance on the results. "It is evident that the quality of research investigating the first person perspective of hearing voices warrants improvements," Holt and Tickle said.
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SOURCE:

BPS RESEARCH DIGEST: http://www.researchdigest.org.uk/
Holt L and Tickle A (2013). Exploring the experience of hearing voices from a first person perspective: A meta-ethnographic synthesis. Psychology and psychotherapy PMID: http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/24227763

In the A-level syllabus. AQA spec A, A2, psychopathology. AQA spec B, A2, psychology of atypical behaviour option. Edexcel, A2, clinical psychology. SQA higher, domain psychology of individual differences, atypical behaviour.



Friday, 3 January 2014

Έτοιμο για δοκιμές σε ανθρώπους πείραμα κατά της γήρανσης, υποστηρίζουν οι επιστήμονες


Αυστραλοί και Αμερικανοί επιστήμονες ελπίζουν ότι ένας παράγοντας που αντιστρέφει τους κύριους δείκτες της γήρανσης σε δοκιμές σε ποντίκια μπορεί να δοκιμασθεί στον άνθρωπο ήδη από τον επόμενο χρόνο, σύμφωνα με σημερινό δημοσίευμα της εφημερίδας Guardian.




Κατά την έρευνα η οποία πραγματοποιήθηκε με τη συμμετοχή του πανεπιστημίου του Χάρβαρντ και της Νέας Νότιας Ουαλίας, ανακαλύφθηκε ένας τρόπος αποκατάστασης της αποτελεσματικής λειτουργίας των κυττάρων, αντιστρέφοντας πλήρως τη διαδικασία της γήρανσης των μυών.


Ποντίκια ηλικίας δύο ετών έλαβαν μία χημική ουσία επί διάστημα μίας εβδομάδας με αποτέλεσμα την επιστροφή των κύριων δεικτών της γήρανσης στα επίπεδα της ηλικίας έξι μηνών στα ποντίκια. Οι επιστήμονες δηλώνουν ότι αυτό είναι ισοδύναμο με το να κάνει κανείς έναν 60χρονο να αισθάνεται σαν 20χρονος.

Οι ερευνητές ελπίζουν ότι οι δοκιμές σε ανθρώπους θα μπορέσουν να ξεκινήσουν τον επόμενο χρόνο και οι επιστήμονες θα επικεντρωθούν στη διερεύνηση του τρόπου με τον οποίο η θεωρία της αντιστροφής της διαδικασίας γήρανσης μπορεί να χρησιμοποιηθεί στην θεραπεία νόσων όπως ο καρκίνος, η άνοια και ο διαβήτης.

Η έρευνα εστιάσθηκε σε ένα οργανίδιο των κυττάρων, τα μιτοχόνδρια, που παράγουν ενέργεια. Με το πέρασμα του χρόνου, η επικοινωνία ανάμεσα στα μιτοχόνδρια και στον πυρήνα του κυττάρου ατονεί, γεγονός που οδηγεί στη γήρανση.

Οι ερευνητές διοχέτευσαν ένα ένζυμο που ονομάζεται νικοτιναμιδο-αδενινο-δινουκλεοτίδιο NAD, τα επίπεδα του οποίου μειώνονται με την αύξηση της ηλικίας μας. Η προσθήκη αυτής της ουσίας είναι που αντέστρεψε τη διαδικιασία γήρανσης στα ποντίκια του εργαστηρίου.

"Διαπιστώσαμε ότι η διαδικασία της γήρανσης μοιάζει με αυτό που συμβαίνει στα παντρεμένα ζευγάρια: όταν είναι νέοι, επικοινωνούν ικανοποιητικά, αλλά με το πέρασμα του χρόνου και με την μακροχρόνια συμβίωση, η επικοινωνία καταρρέει», δηλώνει ο καθηγητής του Πανεπιστημίου της Νέας Νότιας Ουαλλίας Ντέιβιντ Σινκλέρ, εκ των συγγραφέων της έρευνας, ο οποίος εργάζεται για την Ιατρική Σχολή του Πανεπιστημίου του Χάρβαρντ. «Και ακριβώς όπως συμβαίνει στα ζευγάρια, η αποκατάσταση της επικοινωνίας έλυσε το πρόβλημα».

Ο δρ. Νάιτζελ Τέρνερ, ερευνητής του πανεπιστημίου της Νέας Νότιας Ουαλίας και επίσης συγγραφέας της έρευνας, δήλωσε ότι ο ρυθμός της αντιστροφής της διαδικασίας γήρανσης στα ινδικά χοιρίδια ήταν «εξαιρετικά ταχύς».

Ο Τέρνερ τονίζει ότι το «μαγικό χάπι» που θα αντιστρέφει τη διαδικασία της γήρανσης είναι πολλά χρόνια μακριά, εν μέρει εξαιτίας του υψηλού κόστους της ουσίας, που θα έφθανε τα 50.000 δολάρια ημερησίως για έναν άνθρωπο.

Ομως, σύμφωνα με τον ίδιο, « τώρα που κατανοούμε τη διαδρομή, μπορούμε να αναζητήσουμε και άλλους τρόπους αποκατάστασης της επικοινωννίας (στο εσωτερικό των κυττάρων) και αντιστροφής της διαδικασίας γήρανσης. «Οι άνθρωποι πιστεύουν ότι σκοπός της έρευνας για την αντιγήρανση είναι να παρατείνει τη ζωή των ανθρώπων μέχρι τα 200 χρόνια, αλλά ο πραγματικός στόχος είναι να βοηθήσει τους ανθρώπους να είναι πιο υγείς σε μεγάλη ηλικία».

"Γνωρίζουμε ότι η επικοινωνία αυτή εντός των κυττάρων καταρρέει σε ασθένειες όπως η άνοια, ο καρκίνος και ο διαβήτης τύπου 2. Αυτή η έρευνα επικεντρώθηκε στους μυς, αλλά θα μπορούσε να αφορά πολλά όργανα και να οδηγήσει στην πρόληψη αυτών των ασθενειών», δηλώνει ο δρ. Νάιτζελ Τέρνερ.

"Το αν αυτό σημαίνει ότι θα ζούμε όλοι μέχρι τα 150, δεν το ξέρω, αλλά το σημαντικό είναι ότι δεν θα περνούμε τα τελευταία 20 έως 30 χρόνια της ζωής με κακή υγεία».


Πηγή: AΠE-MΠΕ






Why Some People Respond to Stress by Falling Asleep



ELIJAH WOLFSONDEC 26 2013, 9:05 AM ET


Last month, my wife and I found ourselves in a disagreement about whether or not our apartment was clean enough for guests—the type of medium-sized disagreement that likely plagues all close relationships. In the midst of it, there was a lull and, feeling exhausted all of a sudden, I got up and left the living room. In the bedroom, I immediately fell face down into the sheets. The next thing I knew it was 20 minutes later and my wife was shaking me awake. I hadn’t meant to fall asleep; I just felt so fatigued in that moment that there was nothing else I could do.

This wasn’t new for me. A few weeks earlier, I had come into conflict with an acquaintance over some money. We were exchanging tense emails while I was at my office, and I began to feel the slow oozing onset of sleep, the same tiredness that came on when, as a child, I rode in the backseat of the car on the way home from some undesired trip. A sleepiness that overtakes the body slowly but surely and feels entirely outside of your control.

Though this has happened many times before, my response to conflict still seems strange to me. After all, as everyone knows from 9th grade biology class, when faced with stress—an acute threat—our bodies enter fight-or-flight mode. It’s supposed to be automatic: the adrenal cortex releases stress hormones to put the body on alert; the heart begins to beat more rapidly; breathing increases frequency; your metabolism starts to speed up, and oxygen-rich blood gets pumped directly to the larger muscles in the body. The point is to become energized, to prepare to face the source of the conflict head on, or, at the worst, be ready to run away, at top speed.

Of course, you don’t actually want the stress response system to be too reactive. If you were constantly in fight or flight mode, constantly stressed, it could actually have long-term effects on your neurochemistry, leading to chronic anxiety, depression, and, well, more sleeplessness. Even so, it seems like a good idea to sometimes be on high alert when dealing with stressful situations.

But that’s not what my body did. My body shut down.

I asked around, and found out that many others experience the same thing. For example, Dawn, a family counselor in Columbus, Ohio, told me that her husband Brad often “starts yawning in the middle of heated discussions, and will even lie down and go right to sleep.” One time their toddler son fell down the stairs (he was fine), and Brad left the room and went to bed. Brad has had this kind of stress response for all 24 years of their relationship; Dawn says she’s used to it by now.

Even though dozens of people told me similar stories, I began to wonder what was wrong with us—what was wrong with me. Why was my body, in the face of conflict, simply acquiescing? Where was the fight in me?

There’s a concept in psychology called “learned helplessness” used to explain certain aspects of depression and anxiety. It’s fairly old, having been first recognized and codified in the 1970s, but has remained largely relevant and accepted within the field. The name (mostly) explains it all: If, at a very early stage in development, a living thing comes to understand that it is helpless in the face of the world’s forces, it will continue to perceive a lack of control, and therefore actually become helpless, no matter if the context changes.

In the early studies, dogs were divided into two groups: The first half were subjected to electric shocks, but were given a way to stop the shocks (they just had to figure it out themselves). The second group of dogs received shocks but had no way to avoid, escape, or stop them. The experience, sadly, had long-term effects on the animals. When faced with stressful environments later on in life, the first group of dogs did whatever they could to try to deal with it; the second group simply gave up. They had been conditioned to respond to stress with acquiescence.

This type of learned helplessness isn’t limited to animals; many of the adults I spoke with all mentioned childhood anxiety stemming from uncontrollable situations.

“When I hit high school and stress levels became higher in my life (messy divorce between my parents and lots of moving), I began escaping into sleep,” says LeAnna, a 25-year-old from Washington state. “As an adult, I still have ‘go to sleep’ impulses whenever I feel overwhelmed.” Daniel, from Baltimore told me that “whenever there was any kind of ‘family strife’ I would just go to my room and sleep.” Daniel is now 51, and starts yawning any time he encounters a stressful situation.

My parents divorced by the time I hit high school, but before they did, they fought a lot, usually in the kitchen beneath my bedroom. What I remember feeling most was powerlessness—not anger or sadness, but a shrug-your-shoulders, close-the-door, shut-your-eyes type of response because what was I going to do? Tell them to break it up?

That coping mechanism worked for me back then. I was able to compartmentalize those stressful experiences and move on with my life. I stayed in school and kept my grades up; I had friends and was relatively well-rounded. Things went well. But now, at 28, I still deal with interpersonal conflict by shutting the door and going to sleep. I act on feelings that are no longer relevant to the situation.

“Our feelings are always in the past,” says John Sharp, a psychiatrist at Harvard Medical School. “This is something that’s really outlived its adaptive value.” As an adult I should have control over my current situation, but I don’t. Am I like those lab dogs, shocked into helplessness?

At first glance, sleep might seem like quintessential avoidance, like burying your head in the pillow is no better than burying your head in the sand. 

But I don’t feel as though I am not helping myself. After all, going to sleep isn’t like turning the lights off; the truth is that there’s a lot still going on while your eyes are closed. While we might be able to temporarily stave the flow of conflict by falling asleep, we’re not really escaping anything. In fact, sleep in some ways forces us to not only relive the emotional experience but to process and concretize it—by going to sleep I may be making the fight with my wife more real.

If you’re like me, you probably imagine memories work pretty simply: you have an experience, it gets stored somewhere, and then you retrieve it when you need it. But that leaves out a key step, memory consolidation, and that’s where sleep comes into play.

Here’s how it really works, according to Dr. Edward Pace-Schott, professor at Harvard Medical School’s Division of Sleep Medicine: When an experience is initially encoded as a memory, it rests in the brain’s short term storage facilities, where it is fragile, easily forgotten if other experiences come along quickly. In order for the experience to last, it needs to go through a process of consolidation, where it becomes integrated into other memories that you have. That’s why when you think of, say the 1993 baseball game between the Yankees and Orioles, you also think of bright green grass, the smell of peanuts and beer, your dad, and Bobby Bonilla, and not thousands of random bits and pieces.

Of course, not every experience is worth remembering. Only the highly intense experiences—positive or negative—are prioritized for storage later on. “Emotions put a stamp on a memory to say ‘this is important,’” says Pace-Schott. It makes sense: the color of the grocery store clerk’s shirt is significantly less essential than, say, your mother’s birthday.

If we didn’t shelve our memories appropriately, everything would be a jumble, and without consolidation, we would forget it all. Life would have no meaning, and more importantly (at least from an evolutionary standpoint) we would never learn anything—we’d be helplessly amorphous, easy prey.

Here’s the conundrum, though: the same experiences that are stamped as emotionally important can overwhelm your brain’s short term storage facilities. Dr. Rebecca Spencer, a professor at the University of Massachusetts Department of Psychology, likens it to a desk where “whatever is stressing you out is this big pile of papers, but there are also other memories piling up on you.” With more and more papers landing in front of you all day, you’ll never effectively get to them all. And emotionally rich experiences are all high priority messages, screaming to be dealt with right away. So what happens next?

“You can be driven to sleep simply by having a lot of emotional memories to process,” says Spencer. It takes sleep to provide the space needed to sift through the days’ experiences, and make permanent those that matter.

Studies show that sleep enhances your memory of experiences, and the effect is multiplied for experiences with the stamp of emotion. In fact, the memory-consolidation process that occurs during sleep is so effective that some scientists, including Pace-Schott and Spencer, have suggested that it could be used to treat PTSD. Spencer posits that keeping someone from sleep following a traumatic event could be good in the long run. “If you force yourself to stay awake through a period of insomnia,” Spencer says, “the [traumatic] memory and emotional response will both decay.”

On the flip side, when it comes to the majority of the negative things we experience in life—the things that aren’t necessarily traumatizing like, say, a fight with your significant other—we want to go to sleep, because that protects the memory and emotional response.

And Pace-Schott points out that sleep disruption may prevent consolidation of potentially therapeutic memories, sometimes termed 'fear extinction' memories. These are memories that can dull the effect of a traumatic experience by creating more positive associations with specific triggers.] This means that improving sleep quality following traumatic events may be crucial to preventing PTSD.

Ever wonder why little kids nap so much? Researchers believe that it’s not just because they’ve been running around all day—it’s also due to the fact their short-term memory storage space is so small, and they constantly need to unload experiences and consolidate memories more often. One recent study, in fact, found that “distributed sleep” (a.k.a. napping) is critical for learning at an early age. The nap that follows a 4 year-old child getting burnt on a hot stove should help him learn from the experience.

Similarly, the nap following a fight with my wife should, ideally, teach me how to better manage interpersonal conflict. The benefits of sleep on memory don’t go away.

When we wake up from sleep, we feel different. It's not just that time has passed; we've undergone a real chemical response. When we sleep, all the stress systems in our body are damped down, letting it relax, so that tenseness you felt, the sickness in your stomach, the frayed nerves, will all be gone in the morning. “It’s almost like we are different people when we wake up,” says Pace-Schott.

One particular neurochemical, called orexin, may hold the key to the puzzle. Orexin, which was discovered only about 15 years ago, is unique in that it plays a very clearly defined dual role in the body. First and foremost, it’s a crucial element in your daily sleep/wake rhythm. You get a boost of the stuff when you wake up, and it drops before you go to sleep. Studies in rats show that if you take all of an animal’s orexin away, it can no longer effectively control sleeping and waking. Since its discovery, orexin has become one of the key diagnostic criteria for determining narcolepsy—those with the sleep disorder essentially have none of the neurochemical. 

And then there’s the second function: It’s part of the stress response system.

“The orexin system is absolutely hardwired into the sympathetic nervous system,” says Philip L. Johnson, a neuroscientist at the Indiana University School of Medicine. If everything is working normally, when you are faced with a stressful situation, your orexin system kicks in and triggers the stress responses that you expect: fight or flight.

In other words, the same exact neural pathway that handles wakefulness (we can’t even get out of bed without orexin kicking in) also handles a key aspect of our stress response.

Think about this: while narcoleptics do sometimes just nod off randomly, strong emotions are, most often, connected to onset of sleep. It’s counterintuitive, but it’s true, says Johnson. For many narcoleptics, strong emotions associated with stress can cause a complete collapse.

Of course, this should sound familiar—it’s not so different than what happens when Brad, LeAnna, Daniel, I, and so many others go head to head with stress. The science on this is still in its infancy, and it remains unclear exactly what’s going on at a chemical level here, but there does seem to be some connection.

In the meantime, sleep doesn’t seem too bad. The problem may still be there when you awake, but you’ll have a better understanding of it, and hopefully, a clear slate to handle it.


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